he search for a historically conscious individual who is disposed to "radical action" is the main thrust of this paper. This is premised on the following claims: first, that the modern society is a pathological society whose rules, most often but not necessarily, imply control and domination; thus a "refusal" to abide by these rules is the most appropriate alternative available; and, second, that there is still hope for the Enlightenment's project of emancipation, that is, such "refusal," which means a political fight for liberation, is still winnable no matter how formidable the forces of domination may be. But this paper can only do so much. I do not offer any universal and prefab solution to the pathological society. What I do instead is argue that the emergence of a historically conscious individual who is disposed to "radical action," which eventually leads to a "collective radical action," is still possible today. I also argue that "radical action" presupposes an awareness of the concrete socio-historical situations, thus the importance of "historicity." This is done through a reconstructive reading of Marcuse's Critical Theory. In fact, my argument is just an echo on what Marcuse did more than four decades ago. The paper starts with a brief discussion on "historicity" and the background of Marcuse's conception of historicity as a requisite for a theory of liberation. The discussion on Marcuse's engagement with Heidegger follows. This part is important in understanding Marcuse because, in my opinion, it was his reading of Being and Time that led Marcuse to believe that the fight for liberation must begin within the "individual" himself and not from the politically indoctrinated "proletariat" of Marx. From here, the discussion proceeds to Marcuse's appropriation of Hegel's dialectic. In his engagement with Heidegger, Marcuse realizes that Heidegger's Dasein is both asocial and apolitical, thus the possibility of a radical action is nil. Hegel's dialectic fills this gap. The progression of consciousness which results in a historically conscious individual exemplified by the "conscious slave" in Hegel's discussion of master-slave relation provided Marcuse the basis of his claim that the individual can be an active and dynamic political subject. The paper ends with a discussion on Marcuse's re-appropriation of Marx. Re-appropriation because (and it must be noted) Marcuse's pre-World War II writings are thematized by one recurring goal: the revitalization of Marxism. Thus Marcuse's reading of Lukacs, Heidegger, and Hegel is a Marxian reading. It hopes to purge the kind T 10 Lind, Marcuse and Freedom, 19.