Exit, voice and loyalty: state rhetoric about the International Criminal Court

Boehme, Franziska

doi:10.1080/13642987.2017.1383242

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Our coding scheme is an adaptation of the Exit, Voice, and Loyalty categorization. Our application of Hirschman’s analytical framework draws on other social-scientific work that has employed it to study diverse issues in international affairs, including discourse on the International Criminal Court (Boehme 2018 ) or the UN Security Council (Binder and Heupel 2015 ), US involvement in the League of Nations (Lavelle 2007 ), and European integration (Slapin 2009 ; Weiler 1990 ). To our knowledge, ours is the first analysis to apply this framework to systematically examine state preferences vis-à-vis the liberal international economic order over the past half-century.…”

Section: Exit Voice and Loyalty Towards The Liberal International Ormentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is a discursive process that takes place in multiple settings and that entails many actors. But perhaps no setting is as symbolically laden as the podium of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), where world leaders take the stage every September for the General Debate to deliver their remarks (Binder and Heupel 2015 ; Boehme 2018 ; Steffek 2003 ). We leverage the corpus of speeches for the 1970–2018 period, digitized and made publicly available by Baturo et al ( 2017 ).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Legitimacy challenges to the liberal world order: Evidence from United Nations speeches, 1970–2018

Kentikelenis

Voeten

2020

Rev Int Organ

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The liberal international economic order has been facing high-profile legitimacy challenges in recent years. This article puts these challenges in historical context through a systematic analysis of rhetorical challenges towards both the order per se and specific global economic institutions. Drawing on Albert Hirschman’s classic typology of exit, voice and loyalty, we coded leaders’ speeches in the General Debate at the UN General Assembly between 1970 and 2018 as articulating intentions to abandon elements of the order, challenges or calls for reform, unequivocal support, or factual mentions of cooperation. Surprisingly, we find that explicit criticisms towards the liberal order are at an all-time low and that exit threats remain rare. An analysis of the historical evolution of criticisms to global economic institutions reveals a move away from the Cold War insider-outsider conflict towards insider contestation. For example, we find that as countries’ economies become more open, their leaders expressed more support for global economic institutions during the Cold War but less support since. Finally, we demonstrate consistency between the public policy positions leaders announce in UNGA General Debate speeches and their government positions on consequential reform debates on debt relief.

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Section: Exit Voice and Loyalty Towards The Liberal International Ormentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Legitimacy challenges to the liberal world order: Evidence from United Nations speeches, 1970–2018

Kentikelenis

Voeten

2020

Rev Int Organ

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“…Bosco (2014) suggests that the threat of withdrawal is actually an effort to control the ICC, rather than to marginalize or undermine it. This is supported by recent empirical work by Franziska Boehme (2018) which shows that most African leaders use anti-ICC discourse as a tool of 'voice' to express internal dissatisfaction with the Court, rather than to express a real intention to leave the institution. Particularly, African states used voice to express criticism of the politicization of the ICC, of the UN Security Council's referral of al Bashir to the Court, and of the ICC's past refusal to fulfill deferral requests for Sudan and Kenya (Boehme 2018, p. 433).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 65%

African Challenges to the International Criminal Court: An Example of Populism?

Souris

2020

AMINTAPHIL: The Philosophical Foundations of Law and Justice

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Recent global efforts of the United States and England to withdraw from international institutions, along with recent challenges to human rights courts from Poland and Hungary, have been described as part of a growing global populist backlash against the liberal international order. Several scholars have even identified the recent threat of mass withdrawal of African states from the International Criminal Court (ICC) as part of this global populist backlash. Are the African challenges to the ICC part of a global populist movement developing in Africa? More fundamentally, how are the African challenges to the ICC examples of populism, if at all? In this paper, I show that, while there is considerable overlap between the strategies used by particular African leaders to challenge the ICC and those typically considered populist, as well as a discernible thin populist ideology to sustain them, there is insufficient evidence of a larger anti-ICC populist movement in Africa. Although Africa is not as united against the ICC as the populist narrative suggests, the recent challenges to the Court from Africa pose a significant challenge to the Court, as the institution is still in the early stages of building its legitimacy.

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