Filling the Void? Political Responsiveness of Populist Parties

Plescia, Carolina; Kritzinger, Sylvia; Sio, Lorenzo De

doi:10.1080/00344893.2019.1635197

Cited by 17 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…Austria and Italy are two countries with a particularly long history of PRR parties in government both nationally and subnationally 3 . In addition, the FPÖ in Austria and Lega in Italy are close allies within the nationalist groups in Europe (Balmer 2020); they are also among the oldest, most stable and most established cases of the PRR party family in Europe and can be seen as prime examples of the right-wing populism that is predominant in contemporary Europe (Plescia et al 2019).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parties Matter: The Consequences of PRR Parties in Subnational Governments on Health Policy

Falkenbach

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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Although the research surrounding PRR parties has increased over the years, health policies, an important part of the welfare system, have generally been neglected. Using an in-depth case-study approach, this article analyses the health policy consequences of PRR parties in Austrian and Italian subnational governments over time, thereby expanding the units of analysis while also looking at an understudied level of government. The findings indicate a propensity towards neoliberalism, combined with accents of welfare chauvinism in Austria and a strategy of shutting down the Freedom Party of Austria. In the case of Italy, both regional cases mark a desire for welfare chauvinism but an inability to restrict healthcare access directly. In all four cases (except Burgenland), the PRR parties are consistently chauvinistic (despite seeming to prefer welfare to liberal chauvinism, they typically implement the latter for health policies) and any factor of generosity comes from a social democratic coalition partner or not at all.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parties Matter: The Consequences of PRR Parties in Subnational Governments on Health Policy

Falkenbach

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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“…Following this logic, the study conducted by Eberl et al [28] investigated the effects of sentiment and issue salience on emotionally labelled responses to posts written by political actors on Facebook. Another study, by Plescia et al [64], analysed the responsiveness of populist parties to the issue salience amongst the public. They did this by relying on survey data to measure public salience and tweets to assess salience issue for parties.…”

Section: Empirical Insightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A systematic literature review of how and whether social media data can complement traditional survey data to study public opinion

Reveilhac¹,

Steinmetz²,

Morselli

2022

Multimed Tools Appl

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In this article, we review existing research on the complementarity of social media data and survey data for the study of public opinion. We start by situating our review in the extensive literature (N = 187) about the uses, challenges, and frameworks related to the use of social media for studying public opinion. Based on 187 relevant articles (141 empirical and 46 theoretical) - we identify within the 141 empircal ones six main research approaches concerning the complementarity of both data sources. Results show that the biggest share of the research has focused on how social media can be used to confirm survey findings, especially for election predictions. The main contribution of our review is to detail and classify other growing complementarity approaches, such as comparing both data sources on a given phenomenon, using survey measures as a proxy in social media research, enriching surveys with SMD, recruiting individuals on social media to conduct a second survey phase, and generating new insight on “old” or “under-investigated” topics or theories using SMD. We discuss the advantages and disadvantages associated with each of these approaches in relation to four main research purposes, namely the improvement of validity, sustainability, reliability, and interpretability. We conclude by discussing some limitations of our study and highlighting future paths for research.

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“…What we see emerging is a notion of democracy that is being steadily stripped of its popular component—democracy without a demos” (Mair, 2006 : p. 25; see also Mair, 2013 ). In the scholarly community, there is growing recognition that liberal democracy suffers from an erosion of trust in the institutions and actors that have the mandate to represent the will of the people (see also Crouch, 2004 ; Plescia et al, 2019 ). In this respect, the populist surge is also a reflection of the declining trust and confidence that citizens have in traditional forms of representative democracy (Alonso et al, 2011 ), or as Berman ( 2019 ) calls it, a “symptom of growing dissatisfaction with democracy.”…”

Section: Left Vs Right-wing Populism: Contextualizing the German Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Politicizing Social Inequality: Competing Narratives From the Alternative for Germany and Left-Wing Movement Stand Up

Schmidtke

2020

Front. Sociol.

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This article investigates the link between rising levels of social inequality and years of austerity on the one hand and the rise of populist, anti-establishment protest on the other. This connection is explored by analyzing the discursive practices of activists as a way of reconstructing the key argumentative and emotional structures organizing actors' understanding of politics. Empirically the article is based on 40 narrative interviews with supporters of the German right-wing, anti-immigrant party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), and the newly established left-wing movement Stand Up. The findings of the discursive analysis point to a profound sense of exclusion amongst left-and right-wing populist affiliates defined both in socio-economic terms and with a view to being deprived of a proper political voice. At the same time, the results show that the supporters of the AfD, in contrast to those from Stand Up, develop a strong, mobilizing collective identity that is instrumental in popularizing their discontent with the political establishment: The dramatized conflict between the virtuous German people and the threatening Other-manifested primarily by immigrants and the European Union-provides an emotionally charged binary that is at the core of the contemporary populist resurgence across Western democracies. In addition, the collective identity is instrumental in offering a particular interpretation of the origins of and desirable response to growing inequality that rely more on culturalist rather than traditional class-based arguments. Building on this analysis, the article offers an interpretation of the relative weakness of the populist left that, in the German context, so far has not succeeded in using deepening socio-economic cleavages for their political mobilization effectively.

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Filling the Void? Political Responsiveness of Populist Parties

Cited by 17 publications

References 38 publications

Parties Matter: The Consequences of PRR Parties in Subnational Governments on Health Policy

Parties Matter: The Consequences of PRR Parties in Subnational Governments on Health Policy

A systematic literature review of how and whether social media data can complement traditional survey data to study public opinion

Politicizing Social Inequality: Competing Narratives From the Alternative for Germany and Left-Wing Movement Stand Up

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