Focus and clause structuration in the minimalist program

Irurtzun, Aritz

doi:10.1075/la.91.09iru

Cited by 37 publications

(13 citation statements)

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“…64 Cf. Irurtzun (2005) for an alternative proposal. In his analysis, the existential quantifier corresponds to Rizzi's (1997) Fin.…”

Section: (84) Transparency Conditionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In his analysis, the existential quantifier corresponds to Rizzi's (1997) Fin. If I am not mistaken, the main argument given by Irurtzun (2005) is that elements occupying the T position can also be focused:…”

Section: (84) Transparency Conditionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The only objection one might pose to this view is that the label "Interpreation" is too generous: it does not specify whether Int corresponds to focus, topic or any other informational/semantic notion. A more interesting possibility (though one that has to face some problems too) is the one explored in the previous section, involving an extension of Herburger's (2000) (Catalan) The Joan writes-3SG 'Joan writes' Here I will basically follow Irurtzun (2005), who, building on Hornstein & Uriagereka's (2002) Reprojection, puts forward an interesting syntactic approach to focus structure 77 . In Irurtzun's (2005) approach, Rizzi's (1997) Fin° contains the existential binary quantifier over events (i.e., ∃).…”

Section: (109) Optionality Of Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A more interesting possibility (though one that has to face some problems too) is the one explored in the previous section, involving an extension of Herburger's (2000) (Catalan) The Joan writes-3SG 'Joan writes' Here I will basically follow Irurtzun (2005), who, building on Hornstein & Uriagereka's (2002) Reprojection, puts forward an interesting syntactic approach to focus structure 77 . In Irurtzun's (2005) approach, Rizzi's (1997) Fin° contains the existential binary quantifier over events (i.e., ∃). In his analysis, thus, as a first derivational step, Fin°/∃ takes its first argument (the TP, its Restriction), and later on moves to a position from which it can get its second argument (in Irurtzun's (2005) proposal, TopP, the Nuclear Scope).…”

Section: (109) Optionality Of Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Merge Condition

Wurmbrand

2014

Language Faculty and Beyond

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In this paper I review different evidence suggesting that, in Null Subject Languages, T is endowed with what Chomsky (2005) calls edge features (i.e., the current term for the generalized EPP of Chomsky (2000)), and, consequently, becomes a strong phase head in those languages. Given that such a possibility is conceptually problematic (cf. Chomsky (2000; 2001; 2004; 2005)), I propose that the phase effects manifested in T, though pervasive and robust, can be regarded as a side effect of v*-toT movement: when internally merged to T, v* re-labels the whole structure, forcing a species of Reprojection (cf. Donati (1997; 2000) and Hornstein & Uriagereka (2002)), to which I refer here as phase-sliding. The analysis clearly revamps Chomsky's (1986) idea that V-T amalgamation can freed the VP of its barrierhood, and, if correct, refutes the empirical phenomena threatening the phase status of v* in Null Subject Languages, for all the operations that appear to take place at the T level, actually occur at an "extended v*" level. On more general grounds, the following pages support the idea that C and v* are phase heads universally, and T exists to act as a feature-holder (of both φ and edge features) feeding parametric variation, an idea already present in the literature in one way or another (cf. Chomsky (1986),

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“…64 Cf. Irurtzun (2005) for an alternative proposal. In his analysis, the existential quantifier corresponds to Rizzi's (1997) Fin.…”

Section: (84) Transparency Conditionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: (84) Transparency Conditionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: (109) Optionality Of Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: (109) Optionality Of Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

The Merge Condition

Wurmbrand

2014

Language Faculty and Beyond

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“…Hau azaltzeko, gertakari gaineko kuantifikatzailea konplementatzaile sisteman kodetuta dagoela iradoki nahi nuke; hain zuzen ere Finiteness buruan (ik. Rizzi (1997), Irurtzun (2006)). Honela, konplementatzaile sistema desberdinak izango ditugu esaldiaren testuinguru eta aurresuposizionaltasunaren arabera: Konplementatzaile Sintagma (CP) zatitu aberats bat osagai-galdegaia duten esaldietan (63a), eta CP soil bat testuingururik gabeko out-ofthe-blue esaldietan (63b).…”

Section: 2: Bi Kuantifikazio Motaunclassified