Food Sharing on Ifaluk

Betzig, Laura; Turke, Paul W.

doi:10.1086/203457

Cited by 67 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…We were also told that there is a preferential amount allocated so as to reflect existing political ranks which implies that such distributions were also used to solidify political power. Elsewhere in Polynesia, preferential distribution of feasting food appears to have been common (e.g., Betzig and Turke 1986, Herskovits 1965:417, Oliver 1974:261, 349, 1007. The traditional ideological construct that the chiefs were deities who owned all land and bestowed prosperity on their communities, thereby conferring on chiefs rights to receive a portion of all produce, was also widespread (Goldman 1970:485, 509).…”

Section: Other Feastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Benefits from Complexity? A View from Futuna

Hayden

Villeneuve

2010

Fundamental Issues in Archaeology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Section: Other Feastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Benefits from Complexity? A View from Futuna

Hayden

Villeneuve

2010

Fundamental Issues in Archaeology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…Recent anthropological research on food sharing among hunter-gatherers has investigated predictions of a relationship between kinship and sharing meat among hunter-gatherers in non-Western settings. Anthropologists have found that lineage membership (Alvard, 2002) and consanguineal relatedness (Betzig and Turke, 1986;Gurven, 2001;Ziker and Schnegg, 2005) are statistically correlated to food sharing, and that male provisioning has been correlated to total fertility rate in one study (Marlowe, 2001).…”

Section: Emic and Etic Views On Sharingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Subsistence and Food Sharing in Northern Siberia: Social and Nutritional Ecology of the Dolgan and the Nganasan

Ziker

2007

Ecology of Food and Nutrition

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Traditional foraging activities and extensive food sharing are critical to the contemporary nutritional well-being of Dolgan and Nganasan people in the Taimyr Region, Russia. Despite recent economic transformations geared toward free-market capitalism in the post-socialist era, since 1991, a native communal resource-management regime has developed. This article outlines the social and nutritional significance of subsistence and food sharing within a remote indigenous community in Arctic Siberia. Empirical data on procurement processes and relationships, along with data on food distributions and rationales, are discussed. These data are relevant to questions about food sharing and its significance in hunting-and-gathering economies and the evolution of human sociality

show abstract

“…Food sharing, while its primary purpose may be.survival and risk-reduction, is hardly immune from politics. Betzig and Turke (1986) and Betzig (1988) noted that on Ifaluk, where fishing catches vary widely, food trading/sharing is a major activity. Nonetheless, they found that chiefs are most likely to share with close kin, while distant relatives are likely to offer food to chiefs, perhaps attempting to cement alliances.…”

Section: Is There An Ecology Of Trust?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Behavioral ecology of conservation in traditional societies

Low

1996

Human Nature

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

and XX 19XX, on the two sort of commons). Many of our current ecological dilemmas have the properties of commons. Among traditional societies, commons problems are also common (e.g. see Hawkes 1992).Thus it's of particular interest when we can identify commons that are managed, despite the temptations of individually rational, group-destructive behavior, in a way that is far-sighted and conserving. There are strong suggestions from laboratory gaming experiments that repeated interactions are important in fostering the necessary trust and cooperativeness (e.g. Walker XX 19XX). Did peoples in traditional society cooperate to a greater extent than we do today? Were there conscribed areas (e.g. natal family) of cooperation?My purpose here is to step back from complex situations, and examine these problems in traditional societies: [1] whether evidence of environmental degradation exists in traditional societies; [2] when (under what ecological conditions) a strong conservation ethic is evidenced in traditional societies; and whether it bears any relationship to degradation; and [3] under what conditions societies attempt to foster the characteristics (e.g. trust) that facilitate cooperation. I seek commonalties which perhaps can then be used in teasing apart more complex examples. A Behavioral Ecological ApproachDespite all our cultural complexity, we humans must solve the same ecological problems as all other organisms in order to survive and reproduce. And, however complex the interaction between our genes and the external environment, when family lineages die out, they are replaced by other, competing, lineages. Thus, behavioral ecologists often calculate an unfamiliar sort of self-interest: genetic self interest. Further, despite a certain amount of polemic (e.g., Lewontin et al. 1984), the evidence is accumulating that it is appropriate to apply to humans, at least for the purposes of generating hypotheses, the central paradigm in biology: that humans, like other living organisms, have evolved to maximize their genetic contribution to future generations through producing offspring and assisting non-descendant relatives; that the particular strategies accomplishing such maximization will differ in specifiable ways in different environments; and, just as for other mammals, these strategies will typically differ between the sexes. Humans can, through their extensive elaboration of devices like nepotism and reciprocity, respond in complex and subtle ways; this does not mean that selection is absent.In the behavioral ecological literature (e.g. see Cronk 1991, Krebs and Davies 1992), two things stand out: [1] genetically selfish behaviors, those which enhance an individuals' genetic representation (through direct reproduction or assistance of relatives), are always favored; and [2] fertility responds to the richness, controllability and predictability of important resources, and to the sources of juvenile mortality. All living things have evolved to acquire and use resources to Low

show abstract

Food Sharing on Ifaluk

Cited by 67 publications

References 0 publications

Who Benefits from Complexity? A View from Futuna

Who Benefits from Complexity? A View from Futuna

Subsistence and Food Sharing in Northern Siberia: Social and Nutritional Ecology of the Dolgan and the Nganasan

Behavioral ecology of conservation in traditional societies

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About