Forza Italia a Livello Locale: Un Marchio in Franchising?

Paolucci, Caterina

doi:10.1017/s0048840200028926

Cited by 11 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…We know from, among others, Marco Maraffi (), Hopkin and Paolucci (, pp. 320–32) and Paolucci (), that FI fulfilled conditions (2) and (3). Likewise, the extent to which condition (4) is met has been extensively demonstrated by work in Italian (e.g.…”

Section: Forza Italia: a Personal Partymentioning

confidence: 94%

“…And this innovative creation did indeed deliver a dramatic success of the type referred to by Ignazi. As we now know, however, Berlusconi's parties have proved to be far from flash-in-thepan parties. Moreover, while the leader's power within the party remained absolute throughout FI's history and there was never any internal democracy, FI in the late 1990s did at least superficially provide itself with a more traditional organisational structure and a limited degree of grassroots membership through a 'franchise' model (Paolucci, 1999;Poli, 2001). In other words, the Forza Italia 'brand' was taken on, organised and represented at sub-national level in many parts of Italy by elites from the old parties of the First Republic.…”

Section: Forza Italia: a Personal Partymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Silvio Berlusconi's Personal Parties: From Forza Italia to the Popolo Della Libertà

McDonnell

2013

Political Studies

107

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Despite the electoral success of Silvio Berlusconi's two political parties, little theoretical and empirical work has been done on Forza Italia (FI) and the Popolo Della Libertà (PDL -People of Freedom).This article aims to fill these gaps. Following a short overview of the history of FI and the PDL, it discusses how scholars have conceived of Forza Italia. Building on the criteria of Joseph LaPalombara and Myron Weiner for the definition of a political party, a first operational definition is then offered of the term most used to classify FI and the PDL: the 'personal party'. On the basis of this, the article considers whether the PDL is another personal party akin to Forza Italia.This is done, first, by briefly considering the party statute and communications and, second, by examining the views expressed in interviews conducted across Italy with PDL elected representatives and ordinary party members.Considering the electoral successes of Silvio Berlusconi's political parties -not to mention the international attention and debates that have surrounded their leader -it is striking how little theoretical and empirical work is available on Forza Italia (FI) and the Popolo Della Libertà (PDL -People of Freedom). Following a number of useful studies in the early years of FI's existence (Hopkin and Paolucci, 1999;Maraffi, 1995;Paolucci, 1999;Poli, 2001), very few attempts have since been made to advance and update our understanding first of Forza Italia and then the PDL as party organisations (e.g. Raniolo, 2006). Moreover, at no time (to my knowledge) have scholars investigated the organisational character of FI and the PDL through interviews with both party representatives and members. Simply put, while we now know a lot about what (allegedly) happens inside Berlusconi's private parties, we know almost nothing about the view from inside his political ones.This article aims to go some way towards filling these theoretical and empirical gaps. After a short overview of the history of FI and the PDL in the first section, the second will discuss how party scholars have conceived of Forza Italia, particularly in terms of its organisation. By adapting the criteria of Joseph LaPalombara and Myron Weiner (1966, pp. 6-7) for the definition of a political party, I will offer an operational definition of the term most used in Italian to classify FI and the PDL: the 'personal party'. On the basis of this definition, in the third and fourth sections the article will consider whether the PDL is, like Forza Italia, another personal party.This will be done by briefly considering the party statute and communications and then by examining the views expressed in face-to-face interviews conducted across Italy between October 2009 and December 2010 with PDL representatives and ordinary party members. In particular, and in line with the definitional criteria proposed in the article for a personal party, I will look at how respondents saw the party's future, its dependence on Berlusconi and its organisation at local level. bs_bs_banner

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Section: Forza Italia: a Personal Partymentioning

confidence: 94%

Section: Forza Italia: a Personal Partymentioning

confidence: 99%

Silvio Berlusconi's Personal Parties: From Forza Italia to the Popolo Della Libertà

McDonnell

2013

Political Studies

107

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“…As we now know, nothing could have been further from the truth. 6 Forza Italia's relative "success"-with its vote share nevertheless falling by almost 6 percentage points with respect to 2001-cannot, however, be entirely attributed to Berlusconi's "charisma" and the vigorous election campaign he waged. The party's result also reflects the fact that it has established a working organizational structure and offers a set of values, identities, and policies that are attractive to certain groups, such as the self-employed and business people.…”

Section: The Sure Thingmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Center-Left’s Poisoned Victory

Briquet¹,

Mastropaolo²

2007

Italian Politics

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In the immediate aftermath of the center-right Casa delle Libertà (CdL, House of Freedoms) general election victory in 2001, many commentators observed that while the long-running period of "transition" had not yet come to an end, Italian politics increasingly resembled that of other advanced democracies. To use a term much in vogue over the last two decades, it was becoming more "normal." Firstly, electoral competition was firmly structured around two main center-left and center-right formations. Secondly, the long-evoked alternation in power had finally occurred, not just once but on several occasions following the general election victories of the center-right in 1994 and 2001 and the center-left in 1996. Thirdly, voters were exerting a greater and more direct role in determining the political color and leadership of the government. Seen in these terms, the 2006 general election further consolidated the "normalization" thesis. While the two rival coalitions remain prey to internal tensions and divisions, their policy platforms appear fairly well-structured, and the electorate seems divided into two relatively stable and competitive blocs. Indeed, as data from ITANES (Italian National Election Studies) show, 86 percent of voters in 2006 supported the same coalition as in 2001, and the two electorates express distinct values and policy preferences, broadly in line with those promoted by their political leaders and relevant media outlets for over a decade. 1 Finally, despite the fact that the center-left Unione (Union) won the election by a tiny margin, it was still able to Notes for this section begin on page 57.

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“…Yet many transformations are now affecting personal parties, caused by a combination of the leaderisation of political parties and their internal fragmentation. FI has developed a new model of political party where the leader has to interact with other party components, often developed at the local level: a model that some have also associated with the image of stratarchy (Paolucci 1999(Paolucci , 2008. Indeed, this party provides 'sets of overlapping central-local party organisational units, and authority can be exercised by separate and multiple leaderships accountable to either common or different party constituencies' (Carty 2004, 9).…”

Section: F Musellamentioning

confidence: 99%

How personal parties change: party organisation and (in)discipline in Italy (1994–2013)

Musella

2014

Contemporary Italian Politics

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The rise of personal parties is one of the most relevant and innovative political phenomena to emerge from the Italian Second Republic. During the 1990s, Forza Italia presented a new type of party political organisation where personalisation, professionalisation and centralisation represented the keys to success that led Silvio Berlusconi to three general election victories, and that were soon variously taken up by both the centre-right and centre-left coalitions. Yet, two decades after Berlusconi entered politics, the personalisation of politics is showing another face, being no longer confined to party leadership, but affecting the party at all levels. Italian political parties seem to be split into a large number of components headed by sub-leaders. With the complicity of the new electoral system, a process of personalistic atomisation has threatened the cohesiveness -and sometimes the very survival -of Italy's most consolidated political organisations. In this article, after an analysis of the evolution of personal parties in the Italian context, attention will be paid to some indicators of intra-party individualism, such as the proliferation of parliamentary groups, frequent party switching and indiscipline in carrying out legislative activities. The analysis of leadership-driven transformations occurring in party structures (the so-called party in central office) will be combined with an investigation of what is happening in representative institutions (the party in public office).

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Forza Italia a Livello Locale: Un Marchio in Franchising?

Cited by 11 publications

References 9 publications

Silvio Berlusconi's Personal Parties: From Forza Italia to the Popolo Della Libertà

Silvio Berlusconi's Personal Parties: From Forza Italia to the Popolo Della Libertà

The Center-Left’s Poisoned Victory

How personal parties change: party organisation and (in)discipline in Italy (1994–2013)

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