Fragments of Balkan Nominal Structure

Vulchanova, Mila; Giusti, Giuliana

doi:10.1075/la.22.12dim

Cited by 59 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…It is clear that at least the last property is a feature of the Balkan Sprachbund (note that Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Giusti 1998 argue that the suffixal article is actually an inflectional morpheme). Finally and most importantly, it is not clear whether or not Romanian has the demonstrative-reinforcer construction to begin with (for some discussion, see Brugè 1996: 46-7).…”

Section: Some Differences Between the Germanic And Romance Languagesmentioning

confidence: 97%

Demonstrative-reinforcer constructions

Roehrs

2010

J Comp German Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper investigates the demonstrative-reinforcer construction, combinations of a demonstrative and a (usually) adverbial element, in the different Germanic and Romance languages. Documenting that there are four different types, I argue that demonstratives are phrasal elements that are merged in the Specifier position of an intermediate phrase. Depending in part on the different inner makeup, demonstratives may or must move to Spec,DP. Furthermore, reinforcers come in two types: 'bare' reinforcers are merged in the same Specifier as demonstratives; PPreinforcers are right-adjoined. Assuming that there is no Subextraction out of Specifiers or Adjuncts, we can also explain a number of patterns that, although logically conceivable, do not occur in any language.

show abstract

Section: Some Differences Between the Germanic And Romance Languagesmentioning

confidence: 97%

Demonstrative-reinforcer constructions

Roehrs

2010

J Comp German Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The Scandinavian languages also make abundant use of enclitic articles, see Delsing (1993) and Taraldsen (1990). For further discussion, see Giusti (1994) and Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Giusti (1998). The Semitic languages of Ethiopia possess enclitic articles, the distribution of which recalls the Rumanian paradigm.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

I propose a phrasal-movement analysis of word order in Hebrew and Arabic noun phrases. I argue that the positioning of nominal modifiers with respect to the head of simple nouns cannot be adequately handled by an N-raising derivation. This is so because nouns fail to move as heads in the grammars of Hebrew and Arabic. The only heads that seem to be able to move are those which do not assign genitive case. When modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives, etc.) appear to the right of the noun, it is the noun phrase itself which has raised to the left of the modifier, moving from specifier to specifier and pied piping all the material on its right. In this manner, inverse or mirror image ordering of post-nominal material is accounted for.Some modifiers have the option of appearing pre-nominally as well as post-nominally. I argue that these elements can be merged either as heads governing their complement and assigning genitive case to their sister or to the specifier of their sister, or as specifiers of projections containing a phonetically null head. In the former case, the modifier's sister is frozen in position, being licensed by genitive case. In the latter case, XP-movement of the sister of the null head is triggered, and agreement or concord is manifested on the modifier. I develop a configurational theory of agreement, which accounts for these phenomena. Many of the signature properties of the Semitic Construct-state fall out from the phrasal movement analysis.Finally, action nominalizations are dealt with. I provide arguments for a syntactic derivation in which a VP is associated with a nominalizing head configured in the clausal hierarchy as a functional head. I show that the position of the nominalizing head is above certain aspectual projections and lower than others. This explains why some adverbials, but not others, may occur inside a derived nominal. #

show abstract

“…(ii) a. la primera lección, *la lección primera, la otra lección, *la lección otra the first lesson, the lesson first, the other lesson, the lesson other b. mësim-i i parë, mësim-i tjetër lesson-the ''i'' first, lesson-the other As suggested by Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Giusti (1998), N moves higher in Albanian than it moves in Spanish or in Romance, in general. For a general discussion of other analyses where postnominal adjectives are generated directly after the noun, see Alexiadou et al (2007).…”

Section: ''E 2 ''mentioning

confidence: 85%

“…9 The second type of ''e 2 '' appears with accusative definite nouns, regardless of gender and number. In (9) we find ''e'' with singular accusative objects; in (10), with plural accusative objects: 9 Following Cinque (1994), Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Giusti (1998), among many others, I will be assuming N to D movement, and following Brugè (2002:21), who also follows Cinque (1994), I will also assume that adjectives are generated in a hierarchical order between DP and NP. The structure for the subject DP of (8a) is shown in (i):…”

Section: ''E 2 ''mentioning

confidence: 99%

Some notes on adjectival articles in Albanian

Campos

2009

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Fragments of Balkan Nominal Structure

Cited by 59 publications

References 0 publications

Demonstrative-reinforcer constructions

Demonstrative-reinforcer constructions

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Some notes on adjectival articles in Albanian

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About