2019
DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900101
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Free trade agreements and regional alliances: support from Latin American legislators

Abstract: • Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da Licença de Atribuição Creative Commons, que permite uso irrestrito, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, desde que o autor e a fonte originais sejam creditados.

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Cited by 13 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…Our expectations are similar to those for ideological positions, where the ALBA evaluation, considered as representative of the anti-systemic axis in the region (Briceño, 2013), will positively influence CFK, Rousseff, Morales and Chávez, given that they represent, among others, the local left (Levitsky and Roberts, 2011;Cusak, 2018). On the contrary, we expect opposed effects from the FTA with the US, given that this would represent an open integration axis in Latin American regional integration (Bohigues and Rivas, 2019). We expect the opposite effect for Obama, Santos and Merkel, negative for ALBA and positive for the FTA with the US.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 71%
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“…Our expectations are similar to those for ideological positions, where the ALBA evaluation, considered as representative of the anti-systemic axis in the region (Briceño, 2013), will positively influence CFK, Rousseff, Morales and Chávez, given that they represent, among others, the local left (Levitsky and Roberts, 2011;Cusak, 2018). On the contrary, we expect opposed effects from the FTA with the US, given that this would represent an open integration axis in Latin American regional integration (Bohigues and Rivas, 2019). We expect the opposite effect for Obama, Santos and Merkel, negative for ALBA and positive for the FTA with the US.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 71%
“…Most of the survey-based assessments on political elites focus on ideological preferences (Inglehart and Kungemann, 1976;Freidenberg et al, 2006;Saiegh, 2009Saiegh, , 2015, democractic attitudes (Putnam, 1973;Higley and Gunther, 1992;Crowther and Matonyte, 2007;Bohigues, 2018Bohigues, , 2021, and, to a lesser extent, political careers, and trajectories (Alcántara, 2011;Cabezas, 2012;Cabezas and Barragán, 2014). Nevertheless, survey-based research on foreign policy preferences, particularly foreign leadership, is still scant (Bohigues and Rivas, 2019;Bohigues and Morgenstern, 2020). The latter usually analyse other types of data, such as public statements or personal communications (Foyle, 1997;O'Reilly, 2007), and studies that rely on surveys (e.g.…”
Section: Perception Of Legislators In Foreign Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Negative List of the most influential FTAs and BITs in the US has become a typical template for countries to conclude investment treaties.Considering different national conditions, the US and EU have different considerations on the flexibility of Negative Lists. For example, bilateral investment agreements signed by the US and Latin American countries allow Latin American countries to retain preferential treatment for small and medium-sized enterprises,and are not bound by national provisions (Bohigues and Rivas, 2019). The EU supports further liberalization of trade and investment in services.…”
Section: Overall Comparison Of the Negative Lists Between The Eu And Usmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Para el caso de Santos, esperaríamos encontrar efectos nulos en las tres primeras variables, puesto que Santos se ha movido entre el uribismo y la izquierda colombiana, pero esperamos los mismos efectos que en Uribe para las variables sobre Estados Unidos y la alba. Al fin y al cabo, durante la presidencia de Santos Colombia siguió integrando el eje de integración regional abierta (Bohigues y Rivas, 2019). Para ambos casos esperamos un efecto negativo de la distancia ideológica: a mayor distancia del diputado respecto del presidente (enemigo) la valoración será peor, y a menor distancia (amigo) la valoración será mejor.…”
Section: Abordaje Metodológicounclassified