Freestanding n -words in Russian: A Syntactic Account

Fitzgibbons, Natalia

doi:10.1353/jsl.0.0034

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…Fitzgibbons (2010a–b) studied analogous constructions in Russian, positing what we would interpret as a covert NEG in these contexts. Reinterpreting Fitzgibbons' analysis in our framework, the class of contexts at issue could be said to involve the same obligatory NEG raising as in standard constructions, but with the additional obligatory deletion of the raised NEG.…”

Section: Overview Of Sc Npismentioning

confidence: 87%

NEG Raising and Serbo-Croatian NPIs

Collins¹,

Postal

2017

Can. J. Linguist.

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Collins and Postal (2014) postulate that English NPIs represent two distinct structures: a unary NEG structure and a binary NEG structure. Some NPIs, such as any and ever expressions, can instantiate either of these two structures in different contexts. Others (such as one use of jackshit) have only unary NEG structures. The present article seeks to provide cross-linguistic support for this hypothesis by showing that the two series of NPIs in Serbian/Croatian (Progovac 1994) should be analyzed in terms of the two structure types postulated for English NPIs.

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Section: Overview Of Sc Npismentioning

confidence: 87%

NEG Raising and Serbo-Croatian NPIs

Collins¹,

Postal

2017

Can. J. Linguist.

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“…By contrast, these idiomatic expressions are the only case when sentential negation is not needed. See Fitzgibbons (2008) for more detail.…”

Section: Operator-movement Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negative Concord and locality in Russian

Lyutikova

Gerasimova²

2023

Can. J. Linguist.

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This article addresses locality conditions on Negative Concord (NC) in Russian. We examine long-distance licensing of “negative” ni-pronouns in subject- and object-control infinitives. Existing theories of negative concord rely in one way or another on the movement of negative concord items (NCI): either as a direct licensing condition, or as a prerequisite for entering a local configuration with the licensor. Consequently, theories predict that ni-pronoun movement to the matrix clause (i.e., the local domain of the matrix licensor) would increase acceptability of ni-licensing. Using experimental data, we explore various linear positions available for ni-pronouns in the matrix clause and in embedded infinitival clauses. We show that movement is not required for long-distance licensing, and that derived positions of ni-pronouns are independent of ni-licensing. We argue that although ni-licensing and movement both obey locality constraints, they differ as to the type of locality required. This article presents evidence for recent proposals that movement and agreement have different properties with respect to locality constraints.

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“…As argued by Tovena (2012), "the free-standing meaning can be viewed as the core meaning of an item". Fitzgibbons (2010) claims that Russian n-words can appear as the single negative element in two contexts: small clauses and complements of a PP. She proposes that both small clauses and PP's may display their own Polarity Phrase and that free standing n-words are licensed by a øNEG head which c-commands them.…”

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confidence: 99%

Negative Indefinites in the history of Portuguese : the case of <em>nemigalha</em>

Pinto

2018

ELG

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This paper focuses on negative indefinites in Portuguese, paying particular attention to nemigalha, a negative indefinite that disappeared from the language around the 16 th century. We claim that nemigalha originates from the reanalysis of the negative particle nem and the minimizer migalha in an early stage of the language, starting as a weak negative polarity item and then becoming a strong negative polarity item, in the sense of Martins (1997Martins ( , 2000. It is well known that minimizers can grammaticalize into intrinsically negative items, being good candidates to undergo the Jespersen Cycle (Jespersen 1917). Although that was not the case of nemigalha, it completed all the grammaticalization stages proposed by Garzonio & Poletto (2008, 2009, losing all the properties of a common noun and being able to stand alone as the only negative marker in preverbal position. The comparison between nemigalha and the negative indefinite nada shows that both items exhibited similar behaviour and occurred in identical contexts, probably acting as competing items until nemigalha's disappearance. Furthermore, a few examples from the 16 th century suggest that nemigalha might have become a more functional item, participating as a negation marker in presuppositional contexts (cf. Larrivée 2010 andHansen 2013). KeywordsOld Portuguese, negation, negative concord, polarity items, n-words, minimizers ResumoO presente artigo céntrase nos indefinidos negativos do portugués antigo. Presta especial atención a nemigalha, un indefinido negativo que desapareceu da lingua por volta do século XVI. Mostraremos que nemigalha resulta da reanálise da partícula negativa nem e do minimizador migalha nun estadio moi inicial da lingua. Nemigalha comeza sendo un elemento de polaridade negativa fraco que se torna en elemento de polaridade negativa forte, de acordo coa proposta avanzada por Martins (1997Martins ( , 2000. Como se sabe, os minimizadores poden tornarse elementos intrinsecamente negativos, e son bos candidatos a completar o ciclo de Jespersen (Jespersen 1917). Aínda que nemigalha non completase este ciclo, parece que si completou as fases de gramaticalización propostas por Garzonio & Poletto (2008, 2009, pois perdeu as súas propiedades de nome común e pasou a poder aparecer só, en posición preverbal, como único marcador negativo. A comparación entre nemigalha e o indefinido negativo nada mostra que ambas as palabras se comportaban de forma idén-tica, pois aparecían no mesmo tipo de contextos. Isto apunta á posibilidade de que fosen unidades en competición ata a desaparición de nemigalha. Finalmente, algúns exemplos do século XVI suxiren que nemigalha puido tornarse un elemento máis funcional, xurdindo como marcador negativo en contextos presuposicionais (cf. Larrivée 2010 e Hansen 2013). Palabras chavePortugués antigo, negación, concordancia negativa, ítems de polaridade, palabras-n, minimizadores

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Freestanding n -words in Russian: A Syntactic Account

Cited by 4 publications

References 28 publications

NEG Raising and Serbo-Croatian NPIs

NEG Raising and Serbo-Croatian NPIs

Negative Concord and locality in Russian

Negative Indefinites in the history of Portuguese : the case of <em>nemigalha</em>

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