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This article provides a syntactic account of freestanding n -words in Russian. The analysis is based on the theory in Brown 1999, where Russian n -words are licensed by agreement with the sentential negation head. Under the proposed analysis, freestanding n -words are licensed by agreement with a phonologically null negative head. The article works out the details of this agreement process for both n -words licensed by sentential negation and freestanding n -words licensed by a phonologically null negative head. As a result, it provides an argument that the driving force of movement must lie in the moving element, the n -word.

This paper provides arguments based on Czech, Polish, Russian, and Serbo-Croatian that distributive universal subjects of negated sentences allow the surface scope interpretation on the order subject > negation , contrary to. This observation agrees with theories of negative concord that take negative concord items as universal quantifiers taking scope above sentential negation. The arguments are based on available scope interpretations and correlations between word order and scope.

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