From conditionality to modality in Luganda (Bantu, JE15): A synchronic and diachronic corpus analysis of the verbal prefix - andi -

Nabirye

2018

LEXI

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This article is the third instalment in a trilogy of studies that deal with corpus-driven Bantu lexicography as applied to Lusoga. Having dealt with corpus-building in Part 1, and macrostructural aspects in Part 2, we now focus on the microstructure of a dictionary and in particular on the concept of Mapping Meaning onto Use. The starting point is Patrick Hanks's book chapter by the same title, which we transpose to a study of the high-frequent motion verb -v-in Lusoga. Our detailed analysis is as much practical as it is methodological.

Section: Bantu Corpus Linguistics (Bcl)mentioning

confidence: 88%

Corpus-driven Bantu Lexicography Part 3: Mapping Meaning onto Use in Lusoga

Nabirye

2018

LEXI

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“…In all but a few cases, this will be 'the present', with that present optionally stretching back to a number of decades, maximum half a century. Although attempts are being made to build Bantu corpora with time-depths of at least half a century down to a century -such as for Zulu (de Schryver and Gauton 2002), Kirundi (Mberamihigo et al 2016) and Luganda (Kawalya et al 2018) -the only Bantu corpus containing substantial amounts of diachronic data that has been built (and used) 4 is the set of corpora for the Kikongo Language Cluster, where some parts are up to four centuries old, while others go back to around 250 years ago (Bostoen and de Schryver 2015). For Lusoga, the aim has always been to build a synchronic corpus covering the general language.…”

Section: Lusoga Corpusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Corpus-driven Bantu Lexicography Part 1: Organic Corpus Building for Lusoga

Nabirye

2018

LEXI

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This article is the first in a trilogy that deals with corpus-driven Bantu lexicography, which is illustrated for Lusoga. The focus here is on the building of a so-called 'organic corpus' from scratch, while the next two instalments will deal with the use of that corpus on the macrostructural and microstructural levels, respectively. Not many detailed descriptions of corpusbuilding efforts exist for Bantu languages, so each and every step is discussed in detail, paying particular attention to the parameters that have to be taken into account, while not losing sight of the need to log the metadata either.

“…In this article, we focus on the more grammaticalised markers, i.e. the modal auxiliaries -téekwand -lina, and in addition consider the verbal prefix -andi-, whose modal status has already been described in a previous study (Kawalya, de Schryver and Bostoen 2018). In the literature, -téekwhas explicitly been described and used as an auxiliary verb followed by an infinitive (Murphy 1972: 537; see also Snoxall 1967: 307), compared to, for example, -étaag-which has been described and used as a transitive lexical verb (Livinhac, Denoit and Wolters 1921: 54;Mulira and Ndawula 1952: 21;Murphy 1972: 527).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

A corpus-driven study of the expression of necessity in Luganda (Bantu, JE15)

Kawalya

Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies

Bostoen

2019

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This article reports on the analysis of three major markers of necessity in Luganda, i.e. the modal auxiliaries -téekw-and -lina and the verbal prefix -andi-. On the basis a 4-million-word corpus it is argued that, overall, the auxiliary -téekw-is more established as a necessity marker, as it is involved in the expression of all necessity subcategories except participant-inherent dynamic necessity. The auxiliary -lina is less semantically diversified, expressing only participant-imposed, situational and deontic necessity, while the verbal prefix -andi-expresses only deontic necessity. A comparison of corpus data with data from older literature on Luganda further shows that the objective category of participant-inherent dynamic necessity, which is not associated with any of the three markers described, is perhaps expressed by less-grammaticalised forms. These forms are also, together with other grammaticalised forms that have increasingly become rare, assumed to be part of the devices that could have been responsible for expressing necessity in earlier stages of the language, given that the three markers described in this research have only begun to meaningfully express necessity since the second half of the 20th century. Introduction: The rationale for studying the necessity markers -téekw-, -lina and -andi-The understanding of necessity adopted in this article is that it is one of the two major sub-domains of modality, the other being possibility (Palmer 1986: 20; van der Auwera and Plungian 1998: 80; Kratzer 2012: 28). We use the typology proposed by Nuyts (2006, see also Nuyts 2016), in which three types of necessity are recognised. Dynamic necessity concerns 'the indication of a need or necessity for the first-argument participant' (Nuyts 2006: 3). If the needs or necessities are fully inherent to the first-argument participant or subject, it is referred to as participant-inherent dynamic necessity. If the necessity is determined by external circumstances, it is participant-imposed dynamic necessity, and for necessities/inevitabilities inherent in the situation described in the state of affairs, it is called situational dynamic necessity. Deontic necessity is generally defined as an assessment of the degree of moral acceptability of the state of affairs, while epistemic necessity is concerned with a high likelihood or probability that the state of affairs expressed in the clause applies in the world.In (older) Luganda dictionaries, grammars and handbooks, a number of forms with meanings associated with the concept of 'necessity' can be identified. These forms, some of which are auxiliaries or auxiliary-like verbs, include -téekw-'must, be obliged, be bound', -étaag-'need, require, want, desire, crave, long for', -gwán(ír)-'ought, be expedient, be necessary, be obligatory, must, be fitting, be suitable, behove', -sáan(ir)-'ought, be behoved' and -lina 'have' (see O'Flaherty 1892;