From FranÃ§ois Duvalier to Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Dupuy, Alex

doi:10.1057/9781137312006.0006

Cited by 4 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…The optimism that swept post‐Duvalier Haiti soon met a stark realization: although Duvalier was gone, Duvalierism remained. Before fleeing the country, Jean‐Claude Duvalier had turned power over to the Duvalierist Conseil National de Gouvernement (CNG, National Council of Government), a six‐member military junta led by General Henri Namphy (Dupuy 2007; Rotberg 1988). “Brutal section chiefs still ruled the countryside with impunity, the public administration remained bloated with corrupt civil servants, and the Tontons Macoutes still held powerful government posts” (Aristide and Richardson 1995, 183).…”

Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Intellectual exile returnee Jean‐Claude Bajeux played a significant role in facilitating these shifts. In January 1987, Bajeux helped found the Komite Nasyonal Kongres Oganizasyons Demokratik (National Committee of the Congress of Democratic Organizations, or KONAKOM), which aimed to “create a popular, progressive, and democratic government as an alternative to the discredited dictatorial system that benefited a privileged few” (Dupuy 2007, 59). KONAKOM, emerging as CNG's fiercest opponent, had a large part in the ratification of Haiti's most progressive constitution in March 1987 (Dupuy 2007).…”

Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In January 1987, Bajeux helped found the Komite Nasyonal Kongres Oganizasyons Demokratik (National Committee of the Congress of Democratic Organizations, or KONAKOM), which aimed to “create a popular, progressive, and democratic government as an alternative to the discredited dictatorial system that benefited a privileged few” (Dupuy 2007, 59). KONAKOM, emerging as CNG's fiercest opponent, had a large part in the ratification of Haiti's most progressive constitution in March 1987 (Dupuy 2007). Markedly, Article 208 of the 1987 constitution declared UEH “autonomous” from state control, called for the “creation of a parliamentary democracy,” and barred “former close collaborators of the Duvalier regime from running for or holding public office for a period of ten years” (Dupuy 2007, 60).

Going beyond the traditional liberal provisions, the constitution [also] embodied several social democratic principles and articles that conformed to the concept of social and economic justice.… It called for a thorough agrarian reform and declared that health care, housing, education, food, and social security were fundamental human rights, in addition to those of personal liberty and freedom of thought, religion, and political association.… The constitution [also] declared Creole an official language along with French, the language of the educated and propertied classes.…”

Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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“There Is a Real Generational Problem in This Country”: Haitian Intellectual Exile and Academic Diaspora Returns

Dubuisson

2023

Transforming Anthropology

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Based on a series of life‐history interviews conducted between 2013 and 2018, this article examines the generational aspects of homecomings, or how location and temporality affect intellectual return and reintegration. The article specifically explores the returns of Haitian intellectual exiles (jenerasyon 86) and the young academic diaspora (jenn doktè) at two would‐be moments of social transformation in Haiti: post‐Duvalier (after 1986) and post‐earthquake (after 2010). First, it discusses how populism and political uprooting (dechoukaj) led to the internal exile or social displacement of jenerasyon 86. Next, it examines academic diaspora returns in the era of the neoliberal university and outlines the intergenerational struggles that emerged between jenerasyon 86 and the jenn doktè. This article argues that generation as both social position and sociohistorical context created divergent experiences of placelessness for returnees and that the lack of intellectual friendship among returnees contributed to their inability to realize their aspirations of social change.

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Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Internal Exile: Post‐duvalier Intellectual Returnsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

“There Is a Real Generational Problem in This Country”: Haitian Intellectual Exile and Academic Diaspora Returns

Dubuisson

2023

Transforming Anthropology

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show abstract

“…There is little doubt that when elected in 2000, Aristide was Haiti's most popular politician and that despite committing significant human rights violations (Dupuy 2007), his government was not as repressive as the one that followed it. Podur is also right in emphasizing that Aristide was constrained by a powerful constellation of local and international forces.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is not to say that the Aristide administration was actively transforming Haiti or laying firm foundations for solid democratic institutions, let alone resisting neoliberal policies and fighting for greater national sovereignty. While Aristide was not the despot that his enemies on the right depict, he had clear messianic and authoritarian tendencies (Dupuy 2007). He continuously identified his persona with the people as if the two were identical.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%