2017
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3087987
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From Genteel Pluralism to Hyper-Pluralism: Interest Groups and Supreme Court Nominations, 1930-2017

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Cited by 4 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Finally, Figure 3 depicts the number of interest groups that mobilized in every Supreme Court nomination between 1930 and 2020. (This measure is also based on coverage in the New York Times and Los Angeles Times —see Cameron et al (2020) for more details.) As with newspaper coverage, we see a sharp rise in interest group mobilization for Supreme Court nominations beginning around 1970.…”
Section: The Evolution Of Supreme Court Nominations and The Prospects...mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Finally, Figure 3 depicts the number of interest groups that mobilized in every Supreme Court nomination between 1930 and 2020. (This measure is also based on coverage in the New York Times and Los Angeles Times —see Cameron et al (2020) for more details.) As with newspaper coverage, we see a sharp rise in interest group mobilization for Supreme Court nominations beginning around 1970.…”
Section: The Evolution Of Supreme Court Nominations and The Prospects...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Based on existing research on nominations, we know the following. With some notable exceptions (such as labor groups during the nomination of John Parker), the small number of interest groups that existed in this period showed little appetite for getting involved in nomination politics (Scherer, 2005; Cameron et al, 2020). In turn, the parties and presidents had relatively low interest in the policy outputs of the Court (Yalof, 2001; Cameron et al, 2019)—again, there were a few exceptions, such as Southern Democrats’ fury at the Court following Brown v. Board of Education (1954).…”
Section: The Evolution Of Supreme Court Nominations and The Prospects...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…During the pre-nomination stage interest groups often provide their input on ideal nominees (Bell, 2002; Caldeira et al, 2003; Scherer et al, 2008; Steigerwalt, 2010). Cues from interest groups and colleagues are commonplace in Congress and are used to inform everything from their votes on the floor to the questions they ask in committee hearings (Baumgartner & Leech, 1998; Box-Steffensmeier et al, 2019; Cameron et al, 2020; Curry, 2015; Krutz, 2005; Lorenz, 2020). Confirmation procedure varies depending on the level of the judiciary.…”
Section: Weaponizing Intersecting Influence: Interest Groups and Proc...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We argue that in the contemporary era citizens increasingly use political criteria rather than apolitical criteria to evaluate judicial nominees. We posit that the increasing polarization of American national politics and the subsequent politicization of judicial selection, especially for nominations to the Supreme Court, have changed messaging strategies by parties and interest groups to focus more on political and cultural issues (e.g., Cameron, et al, 2020). Rather than focusing primarily on professional merit or the president’s prerogatives as the chief executive, proponents of the nominee often focus their messaging on a nominee’s ideological leanings and likely consequences for in-group political goals.…”
Section: Theory and Hypothesesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In addition, we are able to test whether popular evaluations of Supreme Court nominees have changed since the Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations. The decades between have been marked by increased politicization of Supreme Court nominations (Rogowski & Stone, 2021) and a greater tendency among elites to feature ideological and cultural arguments to support or oppose confirmation (Cameron et al, 2020). We hypothesize that during the modern, polarized era both supporters and opponents rely on ideological and issue-based justifications for their preferences about Supreme Court nominees.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%