From Notary to Ruler: The Role of the President of the Republic during the Italian Crisis (2010–14)

Tebaldi, Mauro

doi:10.1080/13608746.2014.992770

Cited by 13 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…The theoretical assumption shared by these studies is that the systemic characteristics of the abovementioned processes constitute a single explanatory factor that influences the evolution of the PoR's role in the Italian political system. Based on this theoretical approach, the PoR's relevance in Italian foreign policy could therefore be explained, on the one hand, by the increase of his institutional autonomy and legitimacy, and on the other hand, through the redefinition and the innovative use of his communicative powers (Tebaldi 2014b;Grimaldi 2017) in the mediatised public sphere. Similar to the first hypothesis, the validation or the refutation of this second hypothesis would require a comparative strategy based on a long-term diachronic analysis, capable of perceiving the differences in the PoR's relevance in Italian foreign policy before and after the 1990s.…”

Section: Discussion Of Empirical Data and Preliminary Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

The actorness of the President of the Republic in Italian foreign policy: a quantitative narrative analysis of two case studies (1999–2013)

2021

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In this paper, we address the topic of policy actorness in Italian foreign policy to characterize the understudied role of the President of the Italian Republic (PoR). We apply quantitative narrative analysis (QNA) as the methodological tool of our study, answering two research questions to which the academic literature has so far produced limited responses: (a) whether the PoR can be considered a relevant actor in Italian foreign policy and (b) which factors can affect the Italian PoR’s relevance in foreign policy. Considering the Italian PoR’s Diary as the unit of analysis and source of data, we study the two crucial cases of Ciampi’s presidency (1999–2006) and Napolitano’s first presidency (2006–2013). QNA allows us to quantify and compare, while maintaining an actor-centred approach, the relations of the two PoRs with the most relevant actors in foreign policy. The results of our analyses highlight the relevance of the Italian PoR figure, identifying the main areas of influence of the Italian head of state and their changes over time. We conclude providing a few hypotheses to interpret the outcomes of our analyses on the PoR’s role in Italian foreign policy.

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Section: Discussion Of Empirical Data and Preliminary Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

The actorness of the President of the Republic in Italian foreign policy: a quantitative narrative analysis of two case studies (1999–2013)

2021

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“…In Italy, the PoR is elected by the parliament for a 7-year mandate, 2 years longer than the Chamber of Deputies (lower house) and the Senate of the Republic (higher house). The Italian Constitution assigns the PoR, as Head of State, a role that is not only symbolic or ceremonial in nature, but also endowed with high political significance (Calise 2013;Tebaldi 2014b). More in detail, the Italian Constitution ascribes the PoR an important role in four fundamental processes of the parliamentary system.…”

Section: The Constitutional Role Of the Italian Pormentioning

confidence: 99%

The power of the President: a quantitative narrative analysis of the Diary of an Italian head of state (2006–2013)

2019

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Many authors agree that the President of the Italian Republic is the head of state with the widest powers among parliamentary governments in Europe. Although several studies have sought to explain Why the President's power may increase or decrease, a quantitative measurement of the phenomenon-able to answer questions also about the Who (the actors), How (the modalities) and How much (the consistency) of the phenomenon itself-has seldom been carried out by scholars. This paper seeks to answer these unanswered substantive questions by measuring the potential power of the Italian head of state in a crucial case-the first Presidency of Giorgio Napolitano (2006Napolitano ( -2013-by means of a quantitative narrative analysis (QNA) and a social network analysis of his Diary. This is done in a semiautomated way by using natural language processing (NLP) techniques, including regular expressions and named-entity recognition. As regards the methodological contribution of the paper, its aim is to demonstrate that QNA with NLP tools for semi-automated analysis of textual data can be considered an effective and reliable methodology for the empirical investigation of potential power, enabling a more widespread application of this technique in the quantitative analysis of topics related to the power approach-that some scholars consider otherwise obsolete-also at the comparative level.

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“…These have occasionally appeared (e.g., in Portugal) but usually as technocratic cabinets appointed for a limited period of time. 14 In political practice, we can find a number of examples that are somewhere in between the two above-mentioned cases: these cabinets are formed as a compromise between the parties and the president, with each holding a varying degree of influence. Hence, in general, three basic types of cabinets can be distinguished according to their origin: (1) parliamentary cabinets, (2) cabinets that result from agreement between the president and the parliamentary parties, and (3) presidential cabinets.…”

Section: Towards the Classification Of Presidents' Role In Gfpmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Strong Is the President in Government Formation? A New Classification and the Czech Case

Kopeček

Brunclík

2018

East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures

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The article deals with the influence of presidents in the government formation process (GFP). The authors propose an original classification of roles of presidents, reflecting real constitutional practice, with five categories based on real presidential influence on the GFP, from the weakest to the strongest: observer, notary, regulator, co-designer, and creator. This classification is applied to Czechia, where the formal constitution gives the president great opportunities to intervene in the GFP. The results of the analysis of all cases of GFP show a significant variety of roles the Czech presidents have played: from notary to creator. Two factors are particularly important. Firstly, the timing of elections proved significant. When the GFP directly followed parliamentary elections, the presidents were weaker. In contrast, if the GFP followed a government break-up during the electoral term of the Chamber of Deputies, presidents were significantly stronger. Secondly, it depends on the real power of parties, that is, their ability to act together as a cohesive parliamentary majority. In most cases, the presidents showed their resolve to play a greater role than a notary, but they often faced a firm parliamentary majority that actually did not allow them to exert greater influence on the GFP. In contrast, the political proximity between the president and parliamentary parties appears difficult to assess, because there has been the public desire of non-partisan or “above-partisan” presidents in Czechia.

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From Notary to Ruler: The Role of the President of the Republic during the Italian Crisis (2010–14)

Cited by 13 publications

References 8 publications

The actorness of the President of the Republic in Italian foreign policy: a quantitative narrative analysis of two case studies (1999–2013)

The actorness of the President of the Republic in Italian foreign policy: a quantitative narrative analysis of two case studies (1999–2013)

The power of the President: a quantitative narrative analysis of the Diary of an Italian head of state (2006–2013)

How Strong Is the President in Government Formation? A New Classification and the Czech Case

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