From the Persian Gulf to Kosovo — War Journalism and Propaganda

Nohrstedt, Stig Arne; Kaitatzi‐Whitlock, Sophia; Ottosen, Rune; Riegert, Kristina

doi:10.1177/0267323100015003007

Cited by 34 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Grundmann, Smith, and Wright (2000) found thematic differences in French, British, and German establishment press coverage of the Kosovo crisis, despite these allies' similar interests. More specific to our questions about foreign policy statements, Norhstedt et al (2000) show systematic differences across Greek, Norwegian, Swedish, and British press coverage of U.S. President Bill Clinton's Kosovo crisis speeches. Gurevitch, Levy, and Roeh (1991) found diverging narrative and thematic structures in U.S. and British television coverage of a speech by then‐Soviet Communist Party Leader Mikhail Gorbachev.…”

Section: Motivated Reasoning and Media Discourse Narrowingmentioning

confidence: 90%

Public Diplomacy and Motivated Reasoning: Framing Effects on Canadian Media Coverage of U.S. Foreign Policy Statements

Frensley

Michaud

2006

Foreign Policy Analysis

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Successful U.S. public diplomacy requires consonance between the actual message and what the audience comprehends. Contending consonance strategies involve initially formulating foreign policy goals and strategies to resonate with audience values or later changing audience values to support formulated goals. At what foreign‐policy‐making stage will public diplomacy involvement best facilitate message reception? Recognizing overseas presses as mediators in message reception, we analyze whether foreign affairs reporters are Bayesian or motivated reasoning information processors of U.S. foreign policy statements. Our findings support public diplomacy involvement in the policy formulation stage by showing the most frequently recounted sentences from United States president George W. Bush's post‐September 11th speeches invoked frames resonating with Canadian national foreign policy values even when controlling for the effects of journalistic practices.

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Section: Motivated Reasoning and Media Discourse Narrowingmentioning

confidence: 90%

Public Diplomacy and Motivated Reasoning: Framing Effects on Canadian Media Coverage of U.S. Foreign Policy Statements

Frensley

Michaud

2006

Foreign Policy Analysis

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“…In both cases, journalists serve the public consensus and the common narratives; they do not present opposite views or alternative narratives, and they do not have an independent voice. A second way to identify a patriotic pattern of reporting is when the media follows the formal governmental or military framing of the event or conflict and does not provide the public with alternative frames of the story (see, for example, Katz, 1992; Nohrstedt et al, 2000; Ravi, 2005). Sometimes, when the majority of the public agrees with the government’s framing, or when the government purposely follows the common public view, the above two indicators – consensual narrative and governmental framing – merge into one.…”

Section: Patriotic Reporting: Explanations and Indicatorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Patriotic journalism: An appeal to emotion and cognition

Ginosar

Cohen

2017

Media, War & Conflict

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Patriotic behavior in the journalistic coverage of conflicts is usually related to the coverage of wars and terrorist attacks. Such behavior is characterized in the literature by various practices which deviate from the objective or neutral model of journalism and which are more closely related to the ‘our news’ or ‘our war’ mode of coverage. This study suggests an analytical framework that classifies the indicators of patriotic journalistic coverage in two categories: appealing to public emotions, and appealing to public cognition. This framework is tested in the analysis of two related events: the killing of a terrorist by a state, and the revenge action carried out by a terrorist organization. Both types of patriotic indicator were found in both events. While the authors’ findings enhance the view that journalists take sides in national conflicts, they undermine the assertion that journalists use different practices of patriotic coverage depending on whether ‘their side’ is the aggressor or the victim in the conflict.

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“…Using the democratic propaganda model, Nohrstedt et al (2000) examined media framing in the Kosovo conflict and found that the various national/local contexts are clearly visible in news coverage. During the era of the global war on terror, Snow and Taylor (2006: 390) also found that 'the enemy conducts propaganda as ''in ordinary practice'' whereas democracies ''tell the truth'', or at least as much of the truth as can be told to achieve victory while preserving those fundamental democratic values so cherished in normal times.'…”

Section: News As Propagandamentioning

confidence: 99%

News as propaganda

Jang

2013

International Communication Gazette

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This study presents a comparative content analysis of the overall framing in the news and editorial content of the Six-Party Talks on nuclear issues from three international news media for the years 2003 and 2007. The findings of the study lend support to the idea that international news can be interpreted through a combined view, in which propaganda influences on the media coverage are interconnected with the relationship of the media system and national interests within the framework of the dominant ideology.

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From the Persian Gulf to Kosovo — War Journalism and Propaganda

Cited by 34 publications

References 9 publications

Public Diplomacy and Motivated Reasoning: Framing Effects on Canadian Media Coverage of U.S. Foreign Policy Statements

Public Diplomacy and Motivated Reasoning: Framing Effects on Canadian Media Coverage of U.S. Foreign Policy Statements

Patriotic journalism: An appeal to emotion and cognition

News as propaganda

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