Gated digital communities and the future of party funding

Mendilow, Jonathan

doi:10.4337/9781785367977.00014

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The third phase of the analysis of the model of Clientelism expands to capture African countries, Asia, South America, and the Caribbean (Abdallah, 2017;Aspinall & Berenschot, 2019;Aspinall & Sukmajati, 2019;Cendales et al, 2019;De Elvira et al, 2019;El Tarouty, 2015;Hilgers, 2012;Kobayashi, 2016;Kuo, 2018;Mendilow & Phelippeau, 2018;Muniz, 2015;Nichter, 2018;Ogundiya, 2009;Ojo et al, 2019;Sule et al, 2017. This phase is believed to have been the peak of Clientelism's development because democracy is in its fourth wave, as asserted by Huntington (2000).…”

Section: A Framework Of Analysis: Clientelismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy for Sale: Examining the Phenomenon of the Cost of Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for Major Parties in Nigeria’s 2023 General Election

Sambo,

Sule,

Adamu

et al. 2024

Sage Open

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Elections in Nigeria are increasingly turning democratic practice into a bazaar for the highest bidder. Preparations for the 2023 General Election, especially the purchase of statements of interest and nomination forms, as well as party primaries, threaten to squeeze non-super-rich candidates out of participation. This study examines how Nigerian democracy is being manipulated into a business of the highest bidder by examining the costs of the entire process of nomination and party primaries in the All Progressives Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party. The study draws on face-to-face in-depth interviews selected on the basis of criteria such as accessibility, relevance, and quality of information. The informants were classified into different categories. The data obtained from the interviews were analyzed using thematic content analysis. Clientelism is adopted as a framework to explain this phenomenon. The study found that APC and PDP deliberately drive up the cost of nomination to displace poor and non-rich competitors. The impact is evident in the reckless use of money during the parties’ primaries where the process was conducted in dollars. Transparency is being circumvented and to restore integrity to nomination and party primaries in Nigeria, reforms that go beyond politics to include civil society, the electorate, international partners, and other stakeholders are needed.

show abstract

Section: A Framework Of Analysis: Clientelismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy for Sale: Examining the Phenomenon of the Cost of Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for Major Parties in Nigeria’s 2023 General Election

Sambo,

Sule,

Adamu

et al. 2024

Sage Open

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…However, it is not present as a methodological tool to account for the diachronic variance similar to the cross-case synchronic variance in the variables of interest (Bartolini, 1993: 135). While temporality is more carefully integrated into case study research (Butler, 2010; Casal Bértoa and Biezen, 2018; Mendilow, 2012; Mendilow and Phélippeau, 2018; Norris and Abel van Es, 2016a; Roper and Ikstens, 2008; Smilov and Toplak, 2007), the problem of generalizability and external validity remains a critical issue. Heretofore, only a few studies have incorporated temporality to analyse the relationship between PFR and political corruption, but in all cases, the explanatory variable was operationalized either as a composite index of PFR (Fazekas and Cingolani, 2017; Lopez et al, 2017) or an aggregate DPF index (Hummel et al, 2019).…”

Section: Party Finance In Comparative Research: State Of the Art And ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Direct public funding of political parties: Between proxy measures and hard data

Lipcean

2021

Party Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article presents an original dataset of direct public funding (DPF) of political parties across 27 post-communist regimes from the outset of transition until 2020. It represents the first systematic, and detailed account of the actual level of DPF provided to parties outside established democracies in terms of geographical and temporal coverage. The dataset has a panel format and includes information on DPF per registered voter and cast ballot separately and in aggregate for more than 800 country-year observations and more than 200 election campaigns. The analysis unveils substantial cross-national and within-country variation in the level of DPF, as well as between statutory and election financing. Despite an increasing reliance of political parties on the state, no pattern exists regarding the dynamics of access and distribution rules. It also highlights the limitations and risks entailed by the extensive use of various proxies such as dichotomous indicators, composite regulatory indexes, or perception-based measures that do not capture cross-national and within-country variation either in DPF or other dimensions of political financing regime.

show abstract

“…Nevertheless, the tension between the interests of the two pillars of the party forced it to advance policies that would benefit its affluent supporters alongside symbolic matters such as immigration, cultural, and racial umbrages that could shift attention to issues of identity designed to attract the less affluent. The strategy, already practiced by Newt Gingrich, was perfected by Trump, whose use of social media (especially Twitter) allowed daily contact with his core supporters (Mendilow, 2018;Smith and Hanley, 2018). But it was not designed to expand the narrow Republican coalition, and it deepened interparty divides.…”

Section: Populism and Corruptionmentioning

confidence: 99%