Gender Affinity Effects in Vote Choice in Westminster Systems: Assessing “Flexible” Voters in Canada

Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth; Croskill, Julie Lynn

doi:10.1017/s1743923x11000079

Cited by 43 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 62 publications

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“…By itself, Model III in Table 1 would seem to suggest that, after controlling for egalitarian attitudes and ideological preferences, gender loses any relationship with vote choice. Such an interpretation is congruent with many other observational studies, from Canada and elsewhere, that argue that women are no more or less likely than men to support female candidates, and that it is rather partisanship and ideology that account for the correlation of voter sex with preferred candidate sex (Dolan, 2008;Ekstrand and Eckert, 1981;Goodyear-Grant and Croskill, 2011;Paolino, 1995). By interacting the race and gender variables, however, we reveal that gender is indeed related to support for Chow.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 89%

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

et al. 2016

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Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 89%

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

et al. 2016

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“…Those who say the genders are equal on the economy are somewhat but not significantly more likely to say they voted for a woman than those with pro-male stereotypes. In addition, women are more likely than men to support women candidates, confirming findings from Europe and the Americas (Fulton 2014;Goodyear-Grant and Croskill 2011;Holli and Wass 2010;Morgan 2015;Paolino 1995;Seltzer, Newman, and Leighton 1997;Simon and Hoyt 2008). Do results vary from one country to another?…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 58%

Refusing to know a woman’s place: the causes and consequences of rejecting stereotypes of women politicians in the Americas

Smith

Warming

Hennings

2016

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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What are the sources and effects of gendered leadership stereotypes for women's representation? We explore the role of stereotypes in shaping public attitudes toward women's representation using AmericasBarometer survey data from 25 countries. We report three key results. First, the modal respondent in almost every country rejects gendered leadership stereotypes, affirming that women and men leaders are equally qualified on corruption and the economy. This holds even after we attempt to account for social desirability bias. Second, there are significant individual-and country-level determinants of stereotyping. In countries with higher women's representation and labor force participation but without gender quotas, citizens are more likely to choose pro-female and neutral responses over pro-male stereotypes. At the individual level, those rejecting stereotypes are less authoritarian, more supportive of labor market equality, and more leftist than those reporting pro-female stereotypes. Third, the consequences for representation vary by partisanship and country context. Pro-female leadership stereotypes boost support for women presidential candidates and for legislative gender quotas, but they matter less among copartisans of women candidates, and they matter more when women candidates are viable but gendered outsiders. Those rejecting leadership stereotypes altogether are less supportive of quotas. ARTICLE HISTORYWhat are the nature and consequences of gendered leadership stereotypes in developing democracies? We address this question in the case of the Americas, where the number of women elected to presidential office has risen dramatically in the past decade, yet women remain substantially underrepresented at all levels. Growing bodies of work examine the institutional causes and policy consequences of women's representation in Latin America; at the mass level, scholars examine public opinion toward women leaders in the abstract, and how candidate gender affects vote choice. Yet, the connection from mass attitudes such as stereotypes to women's representation in the region has yet to be addressed.Scholars of the US show that gendered leadership stereotypes remain prevalent but are declining, and in recent elections only indirectly affect vote choice; some suggest they do not matter at all (Bauer 2015a, 2015b; Brooks 2013; Ditonto, Hamilton, and Redlawsk 2014; Dolan 2014; Dolan and Lynch 2015). We analyze 2012 public opinion data to understand citizens' stereotypes of the political capabilities of men and women politicians. We make two advances over prior work. First, we examine the extent to which developing democracies exhibit similar gendered leadership stereotypes as in the US. There are reasons to expect differences. For instance, the Americas contain a great range in levels of development, and development is associated feminist attitudes more generally (e.g., Banaszak and Plutzer 1993;Inglehart and Norris 2003;Morgan and Buice 2013;Paxton and Hughes 2007). Second, we distinguish theoretically and empiricall...

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“…Women do not uniformly support political parties or in-group candidates at the same rate as racial minorities do (Goodyear-Grant and Tolley, 2015; Huddy and Carey, 2009), nor are women as likely to acknowledge collective group interests or perceive inequity between themselves and their relevant out-group, which is men (Huddy et al, 2000). While women may exhibit a feminist orientation, this has not translated into a strong sense of female group consciousness partly because of a more diffuse and fragmented sense of identity (Conover, 1988; Goodyear-Grant and Croskill, 2011; Sears and Huddy, 1990). In contrast, racial minorities’ heightened sense of group consciousness may be a function of shared culture and heritage, a common immigration experience and discrimination (Barreto, 2007), as well as intermarriage or patterns of residential concentration (Hiebert, 2015; Milan et al, 2010), all of which reinforce feelings and experiences of interdependence and even solidarity, producing higher levels of in-group identification and making group identification more salient to political attitudes and behaviours.…”

Section: Overlooking Strength Of Gender Identificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Digging Deeper into the Gender Gap: Gender Salience as a Moderating Factor in Political Attitudes

Bittner

Goodyear-Grant

2017

Can J Pol Sci

Self Cite

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We know how sex (rather than gender) structures political preferences, but researchers rarely take into account the salience or importance of gender identity at the individual level. The only similar variable for which salience is commonly taken seriously is partisanship, for which direction and importance or strength are both considered imperative for measurement and analysis. While some scholars have begun to look at factors that may influence intragroup differences, such as feminism (Conover, 1988), most existing research implicitly assumes gender salience is homogenous in the population. We argue that both the content of gender identity (that is, what specifically is gender identity, as opposed to sex) as well its salience should be incorporated into analyses of how gender structures political behaviour. For some, gender simply does not motivate behaviour, and the fact that salience moderates the impact of gender on behaviour requires researchers to model accordingly. Using original data from six provincial election studies, we examine a measure of gender identity salience and find that it clarifies our understanding of gender's impact on political attitudes.

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Gender Affinity Effects in Vote Choice in Westminster Systems: Assessing “Flexible” Voters in Canada

Cited by 43 publications

References 62 publications

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

Refusing to know a woman’s place: the causes and consequences of rejecting stereotypes of women politicians in the Americas

Digging Deeper into the Gender Gap: Gender Salience as a Moderating Factor in Political Attitudes

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