Are men and women portrayed differently in campaigns? Much scholarship and commentary expects that this is so, yet previous studies provide ambiguous evidence on the extent of gender difference.The authors provide a comprehensive analysis of gender differences in television advertisements in congressional races in 2000 and 2002 with data that allow them to take into account the frequency of airings, the sponsorship of the advertisements, partisanship, and competitiveness of the race. Although some gender differences emerge, the analysis reveals undeniable similarity in the presentation of male and female candidates in television advertisements.

The 2008 presidential election was one of the most watched campaigns in American history, and prominently featured the vice presidential candidates, Governor Sarah Palin and Senator Joseph Biden. This election contest presents an exciting opportunity to expand and test our current understandings of the relationship between gender and media coverage. We examine this relationship using computer‐assisted content analysis of major newspapers, television news broadcasts, and political blogs. These three media are analyzed in terms of both quantity and substance of coverage received by Palin and Biden. Using a multiple medium perspective in our investigation of the contest between Palin and Biden, this article finds differences in volume of coverage (Governor Palin receives more), substance of coverage (roughly reflecting gender‐based stereotypes), and medium (with differences in volume and substance of coverage across newspapers, television, and blogs). Implications for future contests and for American politics in general are discussed. Related Articles:“Women Candidates and the Media: 1992‐2000 Elections.” (2006) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00030.x/abstract “The Influence of Female Candidates' Campaign Issues on Political Proselytizing.” (2008) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00093.x/abstract “Incumbent Responsiveness to Female Challengers.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00271.x/full Related Media: Blogs at http://themoderatevoice.com/,http://committedtoromney.com/, and http://www.barackoblogger.com/ La elección presidencial del 2008 fue una de las campañas más vistas en la historia de los Estados Unidos, dando un lugar destacado a los candidatos para la vicepresidencia, la gobernadora Sarah Palin y el Senador Joseph Biden. Esta contienda electoral presenta una gran oportunidad para ampliar y poner a prueba nuestra comprensión actual de la relación entre el género y la cobertura de los medios de comunicación. Este artículo examina esta relación usando un análisis de contenido de los principales periódicos, programas de televisión y blogs políticos. Estos tres medios son analizados en términos de cantidad y sustancia de la cobertura recibida por Palin y Biden. Usando una perspectiva de múltiples medios en nuestra investigación de la competencia entre Palin y Biden, este estudio encuentra diferencias en el volumen de cobertura (la gobernadora Palin recibió más), sustancia de la cobertura (más o menos reflejando estereotipos de género), y de medio (con diferencias de volumen y sustancia de cobertura entre periódicos, televisión, y blogs). Las implicaciones para futuras contiendas y la política estadounidense en general son discutidas.

What are the sources and effects of gendered leadership stereotypes for women's representation? We explore the role of stereotypes in shaping public attitudes toward women's representation using AmericasBarometer survey data from 25 countries. We report three key results. First, the modal respondent in almost every country rejects gendered leadership stereotypes, affirming that women and men leaders are equally qualified on corruption and the economy. This holds even after we attempt to account for social desirability bias. Second, there are significant individual-and country-level determinants of stereotyping. In countries with higher women's representation and labor force participation but without gender quotas, citizens are more likely to choose pro-female and neutral responses over pro-male stereotypes. At the individual level, those rejecting stereotypes are less authoritarian, more supportive of labor market equality, and more leftist than those reporting pro-female stereotypes. Third, the consequences for representation vary by partisanship and country context. Pro-female leadership stereotypes boost support for women presidential candidates and for legislative gender quotas, but they matter less among copartisans of women candidates, and they matter more when women candidates are viable but gendered outsiders. Those rejecting leadership stereotypes altogether are less supportive of quotas. ARTICLE HISTORYWhat are the nature and consequences of gendered leadership stereotypes in developing democracies? We address this question in the case of the Americas, where the number of women elected to presidential office has risen dramatically in the past decade, yet women remain substantially underrepresented at all levels. Growing bodies of work examine the institutional causes and policy consequences of women's representation in Latin America; at the mass level, scholars examine public opinion toward women leaders in the abstract, and how candidate gender affects vote choice. Yet, the connection from mass attitudes such as stereotypes to women's representation in the region has yet to be addressed.Scholars of the US show that gendered leadership stereotypes remain prevalent but are declining, and in recent elections only indirectly affect vote choice; some suggest they do not matter at all (Bauer 2015a, 2015b; Brooks 2013; Ditonto, Hamilton, and Redlawsk 2014; Dolan 2014; Dolan and Lynch 2015). We analyze 2012 public opinion data to understand citizens' stereotypes of the political capabilities of men and women politicians. We make two advances over prior work. First, we examine the extent to which developing democracies exhibit similar gendered leadership stereotypes as in the US. There are reasons to expect differences. For instance, the Americas contain a great range in levels of development, and development is associated feminist attitudes more generally (e.g., Banaszak and Plutzer 1993;Inglehart and Norris 2003;Morgan and Buice 2013;Paxton and Hughes 2007). Second, we distinguish theoretically and empiricall...

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