2018
DOI: 10.1080/17502977.2018.1516389
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Gender and Defence Sector Reform: Problematising the Place of Women in Conflict-Affected Environments

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Cited by 10 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…Based squarely in the Kathmandu valley, aid donors and international organisations were slow to understand the success of the Maoist movement in relatively remote parts of the country and initially favoured 'law and order' solutions by strengthening the existing state capacities in contrast to the fundamental state restructuring called for by the rebels (Rasaratnam and Malagodi 2012). Since the peace agreement, the international organisations have sought to apply a blue-print of 'liberal peacebuilding' to post-conflict politics, offering technocratic and international expertise-based approaches to security sector reform, reintegration of former combatants, reform of political parties and institutions, and the promotion of social inclusion and gender equality (Gordon 2018;Westendorf 2018).…”
Section: Civil War Post-conflict Transition and Peacebuilding In Nepalmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Based squarely in the Kathmandu valley, aid donors and international organisations were slow to understand the success of the Maoist movement in relatively remote parts of the country and initially favoured 'law and order' solutions by strengthening the existing state capacities in contrast to the fundamental state restructuring called for by the rebels (Rasaratnam and Malagodi 2012). Since the peace agreement, the international organisations have sought to apply a blue-print of 'liberal peacebuilding' to post-conflict politics, offering technocratic and international expertise-based approaches to security sector reform, reintegration of former combatants, reform of political parties and institutions, and the promotion of social inclusion and gender equality (Gordon 2018;Westendorf 2018).…”
Section: Civil War Post-conflict Transition and Peacebuilding In Nepalmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this sense, outsiders tend to be rendered experts, rather than those who have context-specific knowledge or direct experience of the threats and needs being discussed. This can be coupled with gendered and ageist assumptions about security knowledge, with women and young people being thought to lack the requisite knowledge, skills and aptitude to make valid contributions to crisis response programming (Goldstein, 2018;Gordon, 2019;Lee-Koo, 2018).…”
Section: Why Are Inclusive and Responsive Approaches Lacking?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Articles in this special issue address ways in which different actors or stakeholders engaged in SSR and DDR may compete or co-operate, and how their normative assumptions may collide and, consequently, further complicate planning and implementation of programmes. The contributions pay particular attention to the relationship between state and non-state actors: assumptions about who has the necessary skills, knowledge and aptitude to work in the security sector or engage in SSR, which tends to marginalise those not perceived to be part of the formal security sector as well as privilege those considered to be representative or constitutive of the state (Gordon 2018); the integration of combatants from non-state armed groups after conflict into state armed forces (Bussmann 2018 andGordon 2018); the impact certain non-state (and state) actors can have on undermining prospects for programmatic success (Ansorg and Strasheim 2018); as well as the role of local communities in community policing schemes (Kagoro 2018 andKocak 2018). Gordon's (2018) article reflects upon the continued marginalisation of women in SSR, particularly defence reform, despite the fact that gender-responsive SSR is increasingly recognised as being key to success.…”
Section: A Myriad Of Actorsmentioning
confidence: 99%