Gender Dimension of Migration from Central Asia to the Russian Federation

Abstract

The article considers the relationship between migration from Central Asia to the Russian Federation and gender relations. In particular, the paper describes the age-sex composition of the migration flows from three countries of the subregion (Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan) and discusses the case of Kyrgyzstan with its active female migration. Male migrants are more often employed in construction and are paid more than female migrants, who work mostly in trade and services. However, men and women show almost no difference in complying with migration laws, vulnerability in interactions with the state, relations with employers and apartment owners as well as transnational practices. The article also considers possibilities for family reunification, and gendered differences in inter-ethnic communication. The article concludes that further studies are required, and that assistance mechanisms are required for women who do not receive financial assistance from their migrant husbands. The article also finds that migrants' sexual and reproductive behaviour is characterized by limited access to information about risks and also requires thorough study. 1 Anna Rocheva, Research Fellow, Group for Migration and Ethnicity Research, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA); and Evgeni Varshaver, Head of Group for Migration and Ethnicity (RANEPA). 2 Central Asia in general comprises five countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The most important migrant-sending countries are Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, which are the focus of the present study. To a large extent, Kazakhstan is a receiving country whereas Turkmenistan with its visa regime is not an active participant in international migration.

Familial Tensions: Morphing Gender Relations of Power Among Tajik Migrant Workers in Russia

“…Labor migration from Tajikistan to Russia captured the attention of many scholars across the world as it became a new important reality for a country that is highly dependent on remittances. While many of these studies do not engage extensively on gender relations, because migration is perceived to be a “male phenomenon” (Rocheva & Varshaver, 2017, p. 88), the body of literature analyzing labor migration from a gender perspective is growing (Reeves, 2011, 2013; Kasymova, 2012 (Kholmatova, 2018); Grogan, 2013; Ibañez-Tirado, 2018, 2019; Thibault, 2018; Thieme, 2008; Zotova & Cohen, 2020). I have built on this work, and in this article, I explore gradual change in gender relations through the reproduction of old gender relations and the production of new ones.…”

Bride kidnapping and gendered labor migration: evidence from Kyrgyzstan

“…Ethnographic research confirms that in Mexico, men frequently migrate without even consulting their wives or other women in their household, while women migrate primarily as tied migrants following male relatives (Broughton 2008;Cohen, Rodriguez, and Fox 2008;Hondagneu-Sotelo 1994). Kyrgyzstan, however, has an unusually high level of women's migration among Central Asian states, with unmarried young women nearly as likely to migrate as unmarried men (Rocheva and Varshaver 2017;Thieme 2008). This difference is often attributed to higher levels of women's autonomy in Kyrgyzstan, compared to neighbouring Uzbekistan or Tajikistan (Rocheva and Varshaver 2017).…”

“…Kyrgyzstan, however, has an unusually high level of women's migration among Central Asian states, with unmarried young women nearly as likely to migrate as unmarried men (Rocheva and Varshaver 2017;Thieme 2008). This difference is often attributed to higher levels of women's autonomy in Kyrgyzstan, compared to neighbouring Uzbekistan or Tajikistan (Rocheva and Varshaver 2017).…”

“…Kyrgyzstan stands out from its Central Asian neighbours due to its relatively high levels of women migration. While women comprise less than 25% of all international migrants from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, they are as much as 40% of all migrants from Kyrgyzstan (Ahunov et al 2015;Rocheva and Varshaver 2017). Understanding the relationship between Kyrgyzstan's unique marriage patterns and its high levels of labour migration will further our understanding of household migration strategies in a context of forced marriage.…”

Migration and Forsaken Schooling in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan

“…Labor migration from the Muslim societies of the Central Asia reflects traditional norms in which men are expected to be good sons, husbands, and fathers, earning enough to feed their families who stay in their home societies. Women are generally expected to stay home and look after children and elders (Rocheva and Varshaver, 2018). Therefore, the forsaken schooling phenomenon among women in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan can be explained by existing social stigmas and norms in their respected societies but is not one made by choice.…”