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Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap
JANUARY 2018Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world's largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author.
Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage GapStriving for gender equality presents major challenges but the benefits are vast, ranging from reduced conflict, both within and between communities, to higher economic growth.Unfortunately Importantly, we find strong evidence of an association between a higher share of votes allocated to nationalist parties, in a given locality, and a larger, (adjusted), gender wage gap for both Jewish-Israelis and Arab-Israelis.
JEL Classification:J21, J31, J61, J45, C14, C24
NON-TECHNICAL SUMMARYOur main results examine the effect of voter preferences, at the locality level, on wages and the gender wage gap for Jewish and Arab Israelis. Jewish and Arab political parties were categorized based on the language used in party platforms: Category 1 parties prioritize gender equity in many spheres, Category 2 parties focus on a nationalistic agenda and references to women's rights are largely limited to human rights, whereas Category 3 parties do not mention women in their platforms. A high share of Category 1 voters in a given locality is associated with both a sizeable premium and a gender-wage gap that increases at higher points of the wage distribution. Furthermore, the premium is reduced and the gender gap is eliminated when characteristics such as education and industry are accounted for. Localities with a high percentage of Category 3 voters earn the lowest wages, but with the except...