Gender Politics of the AKP: Restoration of a Religio-conservative Gender Climate

Ayata, Ayşe; Doğangün, Gökten

doi:10.1080/19448953.2017.1328887

Cited by 77 publications

(28 citation statements)

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“…Debates on population politics involved contestations over women's bodies, sexualities, and their reproductive choices (Cindoglu & Unal, 2017;Korkut & Eslen-Ziya, 2011). During the second decade of the 2000s the 'state led ideology of egalitarianism is replaced by state support and protection of motherhood, which fits perfectly into its conservatism and neo-liberal policies as well as serving to appease its conservative constituency' (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Hence, for New Turkey, women existed only with reference to family and family life.…”

Section: The Gender Politics In Turkey and Its Reflection On Womementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Though there are a lot of literature on feminist movement during Turkey's Europeanization process since the Helsinki Summit (Aldıkaçtı, 2013;Eslen-Ziya, 2007Içduygu, 2011), there is a salient gap regarding the feminist movement during Turkey's de-democratization process under the New Turkey (with a few exceptions: Negrón-Gonzales, 2016;Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Seeking to fill this gap, this paper concentrates on the last twenty years of networking and collaboration (within the first and second decade of the 2000s) repertoire of Turkish women's organizations.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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De-democratization under the New Turkey? Challenges for women’s organizations

Eslen‐Ziya

Kazanoğlu

2020

Mediterranean Politics

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This article is an endeavour to explore the changing networking strategies of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey over the last decade. We delineate the shifts and changes during what we call the dedemocratization process where secular women's organizations face significant constraints and difficulties while networking and lobbying the government. Under these constrained conditions, yet, secular women's organizations make an exceptional effort to sustaining their lobbying activities and changing their networking strategies as well as partners. Relying on the related literature and 26 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with activist members of these organizations with about a 15-year time difference, this paper contends that Turkish women's organizations under the New Turkey are forced to find alternative allies and adjust their velvet triangles of support. Though their strategies were similar in some ways, the type of partnerships formed and who these partners are changed from the first and second decade of the 2000s. Thus, the paper shows how the secular women's organizations adapt to new resources as they mobilize and how they shift away from employing the single target approach to double while changing their initial networking and collaboration partners.

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Section: The Gender Politics In Turkey and Its Reflection On Womementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

De-democratization under the New Turkey? Challenges for women’s organizations

Eslen‐Ziya

Kazanoğlu

2020

Mediterranean Politics

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“…As women's organizations became stronger in the late 1980s, they demanded equal citizenship for women, emphasizing the individuality of women rather than their relationship to men (i.e., as mothers, sisters, or comrades). The feminist movement also raised the issue of inequality in the private sphere, focusing on domestic violence, virginity tests, and sexual harassment as problems requiring immediate solutions (Güneş-Ayata and Doğangün 2017). Utilizing international agreements such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action, signed by Turkey in 1985 and 1995, respectively, women's organizations across society became instrumental in advocating for important legislation, including the amendment to the Civil Code promoting gender equality (Tan et al 2008).…”

Section: Women's Political Representation In Turkeymentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Represents Women in Turkey? An Analysis of Gender Difference in Private Bill Sponsorship in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament

Bektas

Issever-Ekinci

2018

Pol & Gen

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In this study, we examine substantive representation of women in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament by focusing on sponsorship of private members’ bills by members of parliament (MPs) across eight major issue areas. The Turkish case offers new insights into women's representation, not only because this topic is unexplored in the Turkish context but also because it provides an opportunity to examine the tension between gender as a social identity and ideology as a political identity in a legislature characterized by disciplined political parties and low gender parity. Findings indicate that women MPs in Turkey substantively represent women by sponsoring more bills on women's rights and equality issues than their male colleagues, despite their low numbers in parliament and affiliation with highly disciplined parties. Party ideology also shapes women MPs’ issue priorities depending on the emphasis placed by the parties on different issue areas. Whereas left-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on women's rights and equality issues defined with a feminist accent, right-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on issues regarding children and family. Left-wing women also differ significantly from right-wing women in their sponsorship of bills on health and social affairs issues, as left-wing parties prioritize those issues more than right-wing parties.

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“…Elver (, p. 53) asserts that the headscarf issue is the symbol of the “battle” for “establishing liberal constitutional democracy and protecting individual human rights.” Arguably, Turkey has not come to be more liberal‐democratic country since the lifting of the ban on the headscarf. On the contrary, “except for the headscarf, which was advocated as part of defending individual human rights, the AKP displays a conservative approach in addressing women's issues, rights and liberties in the private and public realms” (Güneş‐Ayata & Doğangün, , p. 7). Moreover, the ruling party naturalises gender inequalities by attributing public roles to the religiously legitimised gender stereotypes (Güneş‐Ayata & Doğangün, , p. 13).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On the contrary, “except for the headscarf, which was advocated as part of defending individual human rights, the AKP displays a conservative approach in addressing women's issues, rights and liberties in the private and public realms” (Güneş‐Ayata & Doğangün, , p. 7). Moreover, the ruling party naturalises gender inequalities by attributing public roles to the religiously legitimised gender stereotypes (Güneş‐Ayata & Doğangün, , p. 13).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Limits of post‐secularism in Turkey: Comparing the attitudes of the Justice and Development Party towards the headscarf and Alevi issues

Konuralp

2020

Religion Compass

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The debate on post-secularism indicates both the inclusion of religious voices into the public sphere and the rising importance of religion in international politics as well as in domestic politics of Western nation-states. The term "postsecular" firstly emerged to describe the Western societies where pluralism has been a vital concern for liberal democracy. Nonetheless, the very same concern is prevalent across non-Western societies. In this respect, the Turkish case having a secular state in a predominantly Muslim society provides a vibrant example for the analysis of post-secularism as Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) has been ruling Turkey since November 2002. In this article, the success or failure of the AKP in representing a post-secular moment in Turkish politics is analysed with reference to and in comparison of two issues. The first one is the Sunni-Islamic demands on the visibility in the public sphere symbolised with the headscarf issue. The second issue is the demands of Alevis living in Turkey as they force the boundaries of the "secular" public sphere which has been dominated by the Sunni-Turkish socio-cultural identity.Since the birth of modernity, the contestation between the religious and secular realms of social life has been reflecting rival positions in the political domain. This rivalry has been simplified as secular/religious binary opposition, and with the secularisation thesis, 1 it resulted in the categorical dismissal of the religious from the public sphere.Thereby, religion was relegated to the private domain. However, for example, Asad's (

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Gender Politics of the AKP: Restoration of a Religio-conservative Gender Climate

Cited by 77 publications

References 0 publications

De-democratization under the New Turkey? Challenges for women’s organizations

De-democratization under the New Turkey? Challenges for women’s organizations

Who Represents Women in Turkey? An Analysis of Gender Difference in Private Bill Sponsorship in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament

Limits of post‐secularism in Turkey: Comparing the attitudes of the Justice and Development Party towards the headscarf and Alevi issues

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