Geographies of shit

Jewitt, Sarah

doi:10.1177/0309132510394704

Cited by 137 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…Tenant users generally were reluctant to clean soiled latrines but instead avoided using them. The social behavior of avoiding one another's faeces hindered cleaning of facilities and created conflict among users as observed also among the Akan people in Ghana [36]. The constraints of private financing approach were evidenced by presence of incomplete and/or poorly constructed facilities, prevalent filled up facilities and generally poorly maintained facilities, conflicts between users or with neighbors, adoption of cheaper but unsanitary latrine emptying methods, and other unhygienic methods of excreta disposal such as open defecation around facilities that were found locked, defecating in buckets and pouring into storm drains as well as defecating in plastic bags, which get thrown indiscriminately, consequently being referred to as "flying toilets".…”

Section: Financing Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Financing of sanitation services in the slums of Kampala and Dar es Salaam

Isunju¹,

Etajak²,

Mwalwega³

et al. 2013

Health

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This paper presents an assessment of the extent and conditions under which private financing can be a realistic approach for sanitation in slums. It is based on a cross-sectional study comparing two slum communities in East Africa, where 250 households from Bwaise III in Kampala, Uganda and 379 households from Temeke in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania were interviewed in 2010. Also, 10 key-informant interviews and 8 focus group discussions were conducted in addition to field observations. Findings show that majority (85%) of households used unimproved, private-shared pit latrines. These privately owned latrines had many structural shortfalls besides poor operation and maintenance while the public latrines provided by third-party were structurally sound but were under-utilized in residential slum neighorhoods. This is attributed to the presence free or at least cheaper alternatives which the community members preferred instead of paying per-visit user-fees. For the few who were willing to pay, willingness to pay was positively associated with the presence of a facility User committee and having been sensitized. In this context, a combination of these factors made cost recovery as well as operation and maintenance very minimal. The poor status of privately owned shared pit latrines matched the limited income levels of households. Similarly, cost recovery for public facilities was dependent on the number of users who were willing to pay: the more the users, the more the cost recovery. A combination of private and public financing is thus necessary to fund different but complementary aspects of sanitation in slums.

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Section: Financing Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Financing of sanitation services in the slums of Kampala and Dar es Salaam

Isunju¹,

Etajak²,

Mwalwega³

et al. 2013

Health

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“…Although access to sanitation is a basic human right guaranteed by South Africa's 1996 constitution, Cape Town has struggled to provide sanitation for all of its residents, particularly in informal settlements. How a culture views and discusses, or does not discuss, the issue of waste directly correlates with access to improved sanitation (Jewitt 2011). Avoiding the topic influences how sanitation infrastructure is documented and represented; when neglected, significant health inequities emerge (Jewitt 2011).…”

Section: Access To Sanitationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…How a culture views and discusses, or does not discuss, the issue of waste directly correlates with access to improved sanitation (Jewitt 2011). Avoiding the topic influences how sanitation infrastructure is documented and represented; when neglected, significant health inequities emerge (Jewitt 2011). In Cape Town, these problems relate to the unglamorous yet crucial urban brown agenda-what MacFarlane and Silver (2016) term the "poolitical"-as well as wider challenges of insufficient service access to solid waste management, basic electricity, reliable refuse collection, clean water, and so on (Mels et al 2009;Mitchell and Odendaal 2015;McFarlane and Silver 2017).…”

Section: Access To Sanitationmentioning

confidence: 99%

When open data and data activism meet: An analysis of civic participation in Cape Town, South Africa

Ricker

Cinnamon

Dierwechter

2020

Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes

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local civil society organizations have been driving engagement with municipal open data, as a form of data-driven activism. • The notion of "bi-directional open data" is developed here to characterize emerging possibilities for data openness between governments and the public. • We recommend that cities adopt a new philosophy of data openness that embraces civic participation with open data, leading towards city-citizen data relations. Municipal open data projects are motivated by a desire to democratize data access and knowledge production, strengthen transparency, and advance cities socially and economically. However, their effects and implications are insufficiently analyzed. This paper examines civic engagement in open data in Cape Town, South Africa, the continent's first municipal-level open data initiative. Findings reveal how local civil society organizations have been driving engagement with municipal open data as part of their recent turn towards technology and data-driven forms of public engagement and activism. This analysis highlights the important role of the "smart civil society organization"-occupying a position between the smart city and smart citizen-that is developing significant capacity to produce and share data about the city's informal settlements with stakeholders in government, the private sector, and wider society. Minimal engagement with or recognition of civil society efforts illustrates the limits to the city's philosophy of data openness, which is largely restricted to releasing selected government datasets to the public. The notion of "bi-directional open data" is developed here to characterize emerging possibilities for data openness between governments and the public. This may be particularly relevant for cities like Cape Town with a highly active, capable, and data-literate civil society.

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“…The taboo on some of the most prominent bodily fluids could be maintained with more ease than ever (Jewitt, 2011). This private character of pollution was firmly connected to the public sphere, as public authorities were the designated managers of the sewerage system.…”

Section: The Development Of the Standard Pollution Management Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Publicness, Privateness, and the Management of Pollution

Pesch

2015

Ethics, Policy & Environment

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The way pollution is managed in Western countries is based on the preservation of the taboo character of waste, which is conceived to be privately produced and seen as a threat to public health. Public authorities have been given the responsibility to isolate waste and hide it from public eyes. However, this dominant approach is challenged by the emergence of new forms of pollution. New conceptual and policy frameworks to manage environmental degradation have to be developed. The prevailing institutional structures, however, obstruct the successful societal uptake of alternative frameworks.

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Geographies of shit

Abstract: Geographies of

Cited by 137 publications

References 41 publications

Financing of sanitation services in the slums of Kampala and Dar es Salaam

Financing of sanitation services in the slums of Kampala and Dar es Salaam

When open data and data activism meet: An analysis of civic participation in Cape Town, South Africa

Publicness, Privateness, and the Management of Pollution

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