Getting Through the Hard Times Together? Chinese Workers and Unions Respond to the Economic Crisis

Abstract

How do post-socialist unions respond to market crisis? And what are the implications of this response for labor representation? Drawing on literature on post-socialist labor and union democracy, I argue that economic crisis affects not just labor -capital and labor -state relations, but also the relationship between union representatives and workers. Such a dynamic is highlighted by an empirical account of the divergent activities of workers and All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) unions in China following the economic crisis of 2008. While the union responded to mass unemployment with an administrative and policy-oriented strategy, workers took to the streets in increasing numbers. This divergence led to several instances of conflict, and, by 2010, it was possible to detect small but significant shifts in the union's approach to dealing with labor unrest. While the union responded to mass unemployment with an administrative and policy-oriented strategy, workers took to the streets in increasing numbers. This divergence led to several instances of conflict, and, by 2010, it was possible to detect small but significant shifts in the union's approach to dealing with labor unrest.

The prospect of decent work, decent industrial relations and decent social relations in China: towards a multi-level and multi-disciplinary approach

“…Union inefficacy in representing the workers to defend their rights and interests has been widely noted (e.g. Chen, 2003Chen, , 2010Friedman, 2012;Pringle, 2011;Xiao & Qian, 2010). Unions either perform a welfare role or act on behalf of the enterprise.…”

A strike of ‘unorganised’ workers in a Chinese car factory: the Nanhai Honda events of 2010

“…Using an analogy from Francoist Spain (where independent unions were also prohibited), the Nanhai Honda workplace union was typical in China in being an ‘unrepresentative representation body’ (Amsden, : 117). Friedman (: 462) has more recently borrowed Max Weber's term ‘appropriated representation’ to explain the situation where the ACFTU's ‘representative claim [to speak for workers] is “appropriated” rather than earned” ’.…”

“…The method of ending the strike by a negotiated settlement with the workforce, and the string of copycat actions that its success generated, has triggered a steady stream of academic comment (e.g. Chan and Hui, 2012; 2014; Chang, ; Chang and Brown, ; Friedman, 2012; 2013; Gray and Jang, ; Hui, ; Lau, ).…”

Power relations within multinational corporations

“…Emerging research on Chinese MNCs indicates that they are highly centralized with key decisions taken at the Chinese head office and implemented by Chinese expatriate managers who take the central role in overseas subsidiaries. Chinese trade unions moreover are dominated by the Communist Party run All-China Federation of Trade Unions which is supportive of government policy and dampens worker resistance to employers rather than facilitates it (Friedman 2012, Friedman and Lee 2010, Smith and Pun 2006. As might be expected, the presence of 'subversive strategists' in such a context seems highly unlikely as it does in many other emerging economies where government suppress labour unions and employer protest in order to encourage FDI (Nguyen 2015).…”