Cosmopolitan Orientation's (COS) relationship with personal religiosity, organizational religiosity, and national identity was examined in nationally representative samples from 19 societies (13 mainly Christian, 2 Muslim, and 4 societies with historically Buddhist influences, N = 8740). Multi-group structural equation models found that personal religiosity was a positive and significant predictor of global prosociality (willingness to help others in a global community) overall (b = .18), and in 13 of 19 societies. This relationship was stronger in countries higher on the Human Development Index. National identity was overall a weak and positive predictor of global prosociality (b = .06) and respect for cultural diversity (b = .07), but results were culturally variable. There were negative relationships between national identity and COS indicators in Germany, the UK and USA (countries with active antiimmigration discourses popularized by populist right-wing politicians). Separate analyses for different religious groups found that among Christians, personal religiosity was positively associated with global prosociality, respect for cultural differences, and cultural openness (in that order). Among Buddhists, both personal and organizational religiosity were associated with global prosociality and cultural openness. For the smaller sample of Muslims, the only significant association was the positive link between personal religiosity and global prosociality. Findings support the idea that, contrary to much established literature, there are country-level moderators, but no overall negative relationship between cosmopolitanism and religiosity or national identity at the individual-level across cultures. Historically, the conceptual relationship between religiosity, state sovereignty, and cosmopolitanism has been troubled. Cosmopolitanism, which involves identifying oneself as "a citizen of the world" (Brock, 2013), is often thought of as being "above religion and the state" (Pogge, 1992). It seeks to form a mandate for respecting human rights and taking responsibility for the welfare of others in a global community that transcends religion and state. However, the universality of this mandate is being interrogated on three fronts. One, religion can produce justifications for intergroup conflict ("Holy War") that contest core ideas in cosmopolitanism (Atran & Ginges, 2012; Preston et al., 2010). Two, states, and nationalists within them, are jealous of their sovereignty, and have mobilized against cosmopolitan (or supra-state) institutions like the European Union (Conversi, 2014). Three, cosmopolitanism assumes different forms in different parts of the world, so a universal form is hard to define (Appiah, 2005) and measure (Roudometof, 2012). However, the world continues to rise and fall together economically (Ritzer, 2011, Coronavirus response in 2020 as the most recent example), so there is a need for something that functions