Going the Distance: The Price of Projecting Power

Markowitz, Jonathan N.; Fariss, Christopher J.

doi:10.1080/03050629.2013.768458

Cited by 15 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…These three measures of GDP are highly correlated over the period when all data series exist (1960–2010). We use a Bayesian measurement model to estimate a GDP series that covers the entire period of observation from 1816 to 2011 (Markowitz and Fariss 2018).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Since we seek to analyze the way in which states compete militarily, we need a measure that accounts for the nature of each state’s strategic environment but is not endogenous to the types of foreign policy behavior captured in our dependent variables. In order to do so, we rely on a measure of a state’s threat environment developed by Markowitz and Fariss (2018). The threat variable is constructed by identifying states’ potential adversaries by developing a dyadic metric of interest compatibility based on relative regime type: two democracies are deemed to have compatible interests, while all other combinations of regime types are deemed potentially incompatible.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Producing Goods and Projecting Power: How What You Make Influences What You Take

Markowitz

Fariss

McMahon

2018

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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How does a state’s source of wealth condition the domain in which it seeks to project influence? We argue that what a state makes conditions what they take. Specifically, the less states rely on land rents to acquire wealth, the less interested they will be in seeking control over territory and the more interested they will be in securing access to distant markets. We develop and test several observable implications that should follow whether this proposition is true. First, as states become less economically dependent on territory, they should be less likely to fight over territory; second, those states should be more likely to both invest in power projection capabilities and subsequently project power at greater distances. Our findings support our theory. These results are robust across a variety of model specifications that take into account potential confounds, such as regime type, economic development, threat, and geography.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Producing Goods and Projecting Power: How What You Make Influences What You Take

Markowitz

Fariss

McMahon

2018

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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“…Given China's recent naval increases, this question has significant policy implications. 4 Recent work suggests a link between economic resources and participating in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) over great distances (Markowitz and Fariss 2013). These authors include the COW measure of state military capability.…”

Section: Need For a Data Setmentioning

confidence: 99%

Power at Sea: A Naval Power Dataset, 1865–2011

Crisher

Souva

2014

International Interactions

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Naval power is a crucial element of state power, yet existing naval data sets are limited to a small number of states and ship types. Here we present 147 years of naval data on all the world's navies from 1865 to 2011. This country-year data set focuses on warships with ship-based weapons capable of using kinetic force to inflict damage on other structures or peoples. After identifying a country's active naval forces, we create a measure of naval power based on the aggregate tonnage of the active ships. Additionally, we create count variables for ship types such as aircraft carriers or battleships. This article introduces the country-year data, describes variables of interests for use in country-year, dyadic, or systemic studies, and suggests potential questions of interest scholars could explore using the naval power data set.

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“…Power projection requires a state to invest in capital-intensive equipment such as aircraft carriers and long-range aircraft, rather than in more general-purpose weapons that can only be used close to home. The ability to project military force is a necessary condition for states to engage in non-contiguous conflict, coercive diplomacy, and expansionist foreign policies (Markowitz and Fariss, 2013).…”

Section: Indicators Of China’s Fpcmentioning

confidence: 99%

Winds of Change: Assessing China’s Assertive Turn in Foreign Policy

Liao

2018

Journal of Asian and African Studies

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The current debate on the question of whether China has become more assertive involves two opposing opinions on Beijing’s foreign policy orientation. This article argues that the key question is whether China is about to change its approach to foreign policy, one which has enabled its “peaceful rise” in recent decades. It examines variations in Chinese foreign policy by developing a set of interrelated indicators of changes in a state’s external behavior. The results reveal a marked increase in China’s military spending and power projection capability, foreign aid, and diplomatic initiatives after the 2008 global financial crisis, as well as an expansion of Beijing’s alliance commitments through the establishment of partnership relationships around the world. These findings not only support the increased assertiveness argument but also indicate a larger transformation in Chinese foreign policy—China is becoming more active diplomatically as part of its quest for great power status.

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Going the Distance: The Price of Projecting Power

Cited by 15 publications

References 45 publications

Producing Goods and Projecting Power: How What You Make Influences What You Take

Producing Goods and Projecting Power: How What You Make Influences What You Take

Power at Sea: A Naval Power Dataset, 1865–2011

Winds of Change: Assessing China’s Assertive Turn in Foreign Policy

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