Grammar without speech production: The case of Labrador Inuttitut heritage receptive bilinguals

Sherkina-Lieber, Marina; Pérez‐Leroux, Ana Teresa; Johns, Alana

doi:10.1017/s1366728910000210

Cited by 62 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…Inuktitut Polinsky, 1997Polinsky, , 2006Polinsky, , 2008bSherkina-Lieber et al, 2011;Song et al, 1997). The verbal domain displays similar patterns of morphological instability with respect to agreement, as observed in heritage speakers of Arabic, Spanish, and…”

Section: Linguistic Modularity and Maturational Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is the heritage language like a second language?

Montrul¹

2012

EUROSLA

235

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Many heritage speakers (bilinguals in a minority language context) turn to the second language (L2) classroom to expand their knowledge of the heritage language. Critical questions arise as to how their linguistic knowledge compares to that of post puberty L2 learners. Focusing on recent experimental research on grammatical domains typically affected in both L2 learners and heritage speakers, this article addresses whether exposure to the family language since birth even under reduced input conditions leads to more native-like linguistic knowledge in heritage speakers as opposed to L2 learners with a later age of acquisition of the language, how differences in input and language learning experience determine the behavioral manifestations of linguistic knowledge, and whether formal instruction in the classroom is beneficial to heritage speakers. I argue that the extension of theoretical frameworks and methodologies from SLA has significantly advanced the field of heritage language acquisition, but deeper understanding of these speakers will also need more fruitful integration of the psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic factors that contribute to the acquisition and maintenance of heritage languages.

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Section: Linguistic Modularity and Maturational Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is the heritage language like a second language?

Montrul¹

2012

EUROSLA

235

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“…Despite the vulnerability of these categories-many of which also pose a challenge to L1 and L2 learners-there are also linguistic domains in which heritage speakers demonstrate remarkably resilient knowledge, for example, tense (even in recessive bilinguals, as shown by work on Inuttitut; see Sherkina-Lieber et al 2011) or numerical expressions (Polinsky 2016a).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

In support of representational economy: Agreement in heritage Spanish

Scontras

Polinsky

Fuchs

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper investigates the morphosyntax of number and gender agreement in English-dominant heritage speakers of Spanish. Our study builds on the experimental paradigm of agreement attraction developed by Fuchs et al. (2015) and elicits responses to agreement failures to diagnose the potentially-independent contributions of number and gender features. By comparing the structuring of these agreement categories in native and heritage Spanish, we document a case of grammatical divergence: heritage speakers restructure their agreement categories, favoring fewer feature values and less structure. The principled nature of this restructuring demonstrates that the loss of agreement in heritage languages is not superficial or accidental, but rather follows from predictable structural changes.

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“…Although we did not include speakers from these profiles in our review, there are several studies that discuss the same linguistic issues we discussed in our article in these contexts: see for example Sherkina-Lieber (2011) and Sherkina-Lieber et al (2011) for Inuttitut, Schmidt (1985) for Dyirbal, and Hindley (1990) for Irish 5 . Our discussion was and is primarily concerned with the psycholinguistic characterization of heritage speakers themselves, rather than the sociolinguistic status of the heritage language.…”

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confidence: 99%