Group Conflict Theory in a Longitudinal Perspective: Analyzing the Dynamic Side of Ethnic Competition

Lancee, Bram; Pardos‐Prado, Sergi

doi:10.1111/imre.12015

Cited by 105 publications

(93 citation statements)

References 53 publications

(144 reference statements)

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“…For analogous reasons, when holding predispositions constant, young people (18-34 years) were clearly more animosity-prone (M3, OR=1.755**) than their peers in the 50+ age-group (RC), a result that alerts to a hardening of sentiment among some native youths. Contrasting extant research (Lancee and Pardos-Prado, 2013;Valdez, 2014), self-declared social class exerted little impact; and interestingly, the share of immigrants in the interviewees' neighbourhood had no discernible effect. H1 was confirmed: left-of-centre ideology reduced manifest animosity, especially before taking other predispositions into account (M2, OR=0.427**).…”

Section: Resultscontrasting

confidence: 86%

“…While "sociotropic concerns" (Sides and Citrin, 2007) mostly outweigh personal vulnerabilities, patterns of individual susceptibility were found to be reinforced amidst heightened objective threats, as predicated by out-group size and economic conditions (Quillian, 1995;Scheepers et al, 2002). A growing number of longitudinal studies (Coenders et al, 2005;Davidov and Meuleman, 2012;Hopkins, 2010;Lancee and Pardos-Prado, 2013;Meuleman et al, 2009;Semyonov et al, 2006;Wilkes et al, 2008) add weight to these findings. Existing evidence is predominantly regarded to support GTT; yet "the state of the economy appears to be a stronger predictor of ATII than immigrant concentration" (Ceobanu and Escandell, 2010: 322).…”

Section: Conceptualisation and Measurement: A Critical Appraisalmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…logas, manteniendo las predisposiciones constantes, los jóvenes (18-34 años) expresan claramente más animosidad (M3, OR=1,755**) que las personas con edades superiores a 50 años (CR), un resultado que alerta del deterioro actitudinal en una parte de la juventud nativa. Contrastando con investigaciones previas (Lancee y Pardos-Prado, 2013;Valdez, 2014), la clase social (autoclasificada) ejerce escaso impacto; asimismo, la proporción de inmigrantes en el hábitat residencial tampoco tiene un efecto discernible. H1 es confirmada: la ideología izquierdista reduce la animosidad manifiesta, especialmente antes de controlar por otras predisposiciones (M2, OR=0,427**).…”

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Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía

Rinken¹

2024

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ResumenEste artículo proporciona tres razones conexas por las que percepciones de competencia grupal no deben confundirse con hostilidad hacia las personas de procedencia extranjera. Primero, se argumenta que concepciones expansivas del prejuicio acaban desdibujando el análisis de las actitudes en materia migratoria. Segundo, se observan trayectorias dispares de competencia grupal percibida, por un lado, y animosidad antinmigrante, por otro. Tercero, se identifican varios factores que disminuyen el sentimiento antinmigrante, pese a circunstancias económicas desalentadoras y al margen de competencia grupal percibida. El estudio demuestra que las actitudes hacia el colectivo inmigrante no dependen sin más de hechos e intereses económicos, sino de un complejo entramado de predisposiciones y percepciones. Key words AbstractThis paper provides three interrelated reasons not to confound perceptions of economic group-threat with hostility toward people of foreign origin. Firstly, I argue that expansive notions of prejudice impede analyzing attitudes toward immigration and immigrants with sufficient precision. Secondly, the recent evolution in the Southern Spanish region of Andalusia illustrates divergent trajectories: anti-immigrant sentiment remained subdued despite surging unemployment and perceived conflict-of-interest. Thirdly, various factors are found to contain antiimmigrant sentiment amidst inauspicious economic circumstances and regardless of perceived group-competition. The study shows that attitudes towards immigrants hinge on a complex array of predispositions and perceptions, rather than economic facts and interests per se. Rinken, Sebastian (2016). «Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía». Sociológicas, Cómo citar Revista Española de Investigaciones 78Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía IntroduccIón Durante los últimos veinte años, la periferia mediterránea de Europa ha atraído cuantiosos flujos de inmigración laboral; desde 2008 la región experimenta una severa crisis económica. Auge y declive del mercado laboral español simbolizan esta peliaguda secuencia; en áreas económicamente desfavorecidas, como Andalucía, la tasa de desempleo incluso llegó a superar el 35%. ¿Cómo reaccionaría la ciudadanía? Antecedentes empí-ricos y conceptuales sugieren un riesgo de hostilidades cuando las sociedades inmigratorias experimentan retrocesos económicos. Pero España y, específicamente, Andalucía han eludido tales predicciones: aunque las opiniones acerca de la inmigración laboral se enfriaron, la animosidad antinmigrante no aumentó.Analizaré esta llamativa configuración con objeto de refinar la conceptualización de las relaciones intergrupales en contextos adversos. Despuésde revisar la bibliografía y las trayectorias empíricas de distintas facetas actitudinales, examinaré nueve hipótesis explicativas mediante regresión logística, usando datos de 2013 (N=2.363), el sexto año de crisis. Distingo entre dos categorías de predictores: predisposiciones generales ...

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Section: Resultscontrasting

confidence: 86%

Section: Conceptualisation and Measurement: A Critical Appraisalmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía

Rinken¹

2024

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“…Panel data, though rare, could potentially disentangle the effects of group threat and contact on prejudice (e.g. Lancee and Pardos-Prado 2013). However, the importance of these modeling issues pales in comparison to the larger concern that the production of attitudes toward immigrants is dynamic and spatially variable.…”

Section: Research On Attitudes Toward Immigrants and Immigration Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Warmth of the Welcome: Attitudes Toward Immigrants and Immigration Policy in the United States

2014

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Natives' attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy are important factors in the context of reception of immigrants since they contribute to a warm or chilly welcome, which potentially shapes immigrant and ethnic identities and inter-group relations. Public opinion polls show a recent “warming” of Americans' traditional ambivalence about immigration. Empirical research on attitudes toward immigrants and racial groups formed by recent waves of immigrants resonate with the dynamic nature of Blumer's (1958) theory of prejudice as a sense of relative group position. To better understand this dynamism, research that intentionally contrasts study sites on conflict and contact conditions and the presence of absence of symbolic politics, as well as research with different native-born racial and ethnic groups, would reveal a broader range of natives' attitude formation processes and the role they play in immigrant reception.

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“…Lancee and Pardos-Prado (2013) use individual-level longitudinal data in Germany to explain attitudes towards immigrants. They find that the proportion of foreigners predicts attitudes towards immigrants.…”

Section: Ethnic Diversity and Attitudes Towards Immigrants -Longitudimentioning

confidence: 99%

Moving to Diversity: Residential Mobility, Changes in Ethnic Diversity, and Concerns About Immigration

Lancee¹,

Schaeffer²

2016

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Studies on ethnic diversity and social cohesion are predominantly cross-sectional. Relying on longitudinal data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and applying a differences-in-differences design, this paper investigates how the event of moving to a more or less diverse neighbourhood affects people's opinions about immigration up. This longitudinal design not only excludes reverse causality, but also renders unobserved heterogeneity a very unlikely alternative explanation. We show that individuals who move to a more diverse neighborhood are about 13% more likely to become very concerned about immigration. This effect remains even three years after the move. Because individuals who move to equal or lower diversity neighborhoods do not change their attitudes, it is not the event of moving as such that makes people more negative towards out-groups. Moreover, this study is the first to investigate whether previous experiences with diversity eliminate any threat effects of moving to a more diverse place. Interestingly, our results lend only partial support for this hypothesis, since those who to the top 15 per cent most diverse neighborhoods generally do not change their views. We consider whether this particular null-effect might be due to 'threat immunity' of such movers. Our sensitivity analyses questions this objection and instead suggests that populations often thought to be immune to threat seem to respond similarly.2

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Group Conflict Theory in a Longitudinal Perspective: Analyzing the Dynamic Side of Ethnic Competition

Cited by 105 publications

References 53 publications

Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía

Crisis económica y sentimiento antinmigrante: el caso de Andalucía

Warmth of the Welcome: Attitudes Toward Immigrants and Immigration Policy in the United States

Moving to Diversity: Residential Mobility, Changes in Ethnic Diversity, and Concerns About Immigration

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