Group Identification under Conditions of Threat: College Students' Attachment to Country, Family, Ethnicity, Religion, and University Before and After September 11, 2001

Moskalenko, Sophia; McCauley, Clark; Rozin, Paul

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2006.00450.x

Cited by 88 publications

(61 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…The absence of an increase in attachment to the principle of laïcité just after the attacks is surprising given the political and media discourse during this period (Moliner, 2015). This result suggests that the principle of laïcité is not sufficiently clear and important to French people and that it is not linked to identification with the ingroup (Moskalenko et al, 2006). Although the decrease in attachment to the principle of laïcité during the third data collection period is difficult to interpret, the change in the relation between SDO and attachment to laïcité over the three data collection periods provides a number of clues to the processes involved.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…These authors suggest that one of the effects of this activation is to increase an individual's attachment to the values of their ingroup. Similarly, Moskalenko, McCauley, and Rozin (2006) found that after September 11, 2001, individuals were more strongly attached to and identified more strongly with their ingroup. Finally, such events engender more negative attitudes towards people/groups seen as embracing opposing norms and values to those of the ingroup (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986).…”

mentioning

confidence: 77%

“…Research suggests that immediate reactions to terrorist attacks tend to be short term and that they fade when the events in question begin to lose their cognitive and emotional salience (Argyrides & Downey, 2004;Moskalenko et al, 2006, Roehner, 2004; however, not every study has confirmed this finding (e.g., Hitlan et al, 2007). The data used in the present research were collected just before the terrorist attacks and during the month following them.…”

mentioning

confidence: 88%

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The “Charlie-Hebdo” Effect: Repercussions of the January 2015 Terrorist Attacks in France on Prejudice toward Immigrants and North-Africans, Social Dominance Orientation, and Attachment to the Principle of Laïcité [L’effet « Charlie-Hebdo » : Répercussions des attentats de Janvier 2015 en France sur les Préjugés à l’égard des Maghrébins, l’orientation à la D

Cohu¹,

Maisonneuve²,

Testé

2016

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 90%

mentioning

confidence: 77%

mentioning

confidence: 88%

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The “Charlie-Hebdo” Effect: Repercussions of the January 2015 Terrorist Attacks in France on Prejudice toward Immigrants and North-Africans, Social Dominance Orientation, and Attachment to the Principle of Laïcité [L’effet « Charlie-Hebdo » : Répercussions des attentats de Janvier 2015 en France sur les Préjugés à l’égard des Maghrébins, l’orientation à la D

Cohu¹,

Maisonneuve²,

Testé

2016

rips

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“…In the 2 months after September 11, respondents answering an Internet survey endorsed a number of character strengths more strongly, including gratitude, hope, kindness, leadership, love, spirituality, and teamwork (Peterson & Seligman, 2003). Four days after the attacks, college students in Pennsylvania showed a temporary increase in identification with their country that was no longer present 18 months later (Moskalenko, McCauley, & Rozin, 2006). They also showed a temporary increased rating of the importance of their country and their university.…”

Section: Attitudes and Behaviormentioning

confidence: 99%

Weighing the Costs of Disaster

Bonanno

Brewin

Kaniasty

et al. 2010

Psychol Sci Public Interest

980

443

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SummaryDisasters typically strike quickly and cause great harm. Unfortunately, because of the spontaneous and chaotic nature of disasters, the psychological consequences have proved exceedingly difficult to assess. Published reports have often overestimated a disaster's psychological cost to survivors, suggesting, for example, that many if not most survivors will develop posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD); at the same time, these reports have underestimated the scope of the disaster's broader impact in other domains. We argue that such ambiguities can be attributed to methodological limitations. When we focus on only the most scientifically sound research-studies that use prospective designs or include multivariate analyses of predictor and outcome measures-relatively clear conclusions about the psychological parameters of disasters emerge. We summarize the major aspects of these conclusions in five key points and close with a brief review of possible implications these points suggest for disaster intervention.1. Disasters cause serious psychological harm in a minority of exposed individuals. People exposed to disaster show myriad psychological problems, including PTSD, grief, depression, anxiety, stress-related health costs, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation. However, severe levels of these problems are typically observed only in a relatively small minority of exposed individuals. In adults, the proportion rarely exceeds 30% of most samples, and in the vast majority of methodologically sound studies, the level is usually considerably lower. Among youth, elevated symptoms are common in the first few months following a high-impact disaster, but again, chronic symptom elevations rarely exceed 30% of the youth sampled.2. Disasters produce multiple patterns of outcome, including psychological resilience. In addition to chronic dysfunction, other patterns of disaster outcome are typically observed. Some survivors recover their psychological equilibrium within a period ranging from several months to 1 or 2 years. A sizeable proportion, often more than half of those exposed, experience only transient distress and maintain a stable trajectory of healthy functioning or resilience. Resilient outcomes have been evidenced across different methodologies, including recent studies that identified patterns of outcome using relatively sophisticated data analytic approaches, such as latent growth mixture modeling.3. Disaster outcome depends on a combination of risk and resilience factors. As is true for most highly aversive events, individual differences in disaster outcomes are informed by a number of unique risk and resilience factors, including variables related to the context in which the disaster occurs, variables related to proximal exposure during the disaster, and variables related to distal exposure in the disaster's aftermath. Multivariate studies indicate that there is no one single dominant predictor of disaster outcomes. Rather, as with traumatic life events more generally, most predictor variables exert small...

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“…However, Witteborn's study of Arab collective identities in post 9/11 USA and Moskalenko et al's study of college students suggest that identity labels and groupings are themselves subject to change and shifting in such circumstances (Moskalenko, McCauley, & Rozin, 2006;Witteborn, 2007). Moreover, the effect of inter-group contact over a long period in a society such as contemporary Britain is under-investigated and so it is less clear what we might expect in terms of stability or fragility of inter-group connections.…”

Section: Terrorism Increased Uncertainty and Social Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The dialogic construction of self and other in response to terrorism.

Cameron¹,

Maslen²,

Todd³

2013

Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology

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and on a bus. It was not just the violence and death that shocked people in UK, but the fact that the young men, the first suicide bombers in UK, were British, three of them born and brought up in a long-established Muslim community. After this event (which became known as 7/7), government and community leaders worked hard to prevent a violent backlash in Muslim communities in UK, and were, by and large, successful. However, the event caused much social and personal disruption, shifting notions of both Self and Other.The purpose of the study was to investigate the effects of that disruption on people's personal and social landscapes through an applied linguistic study of talk in focus groups. If, as a society, we can better understand how people and groups respond to an ongoing threat of terrorist attack, we should be better able to offer support towards resilience and protection against fragility.The study forms part of a larger project investigating the dynamics of empathy in dialogue in times of uncertainty. 1 Empathy concerns how one person (the Self) emotionally and cognitively responds to another, how they understand how it is to be 'the Other'. 2 In this study, where focus groups discuss the risk of terrorism and its effects on their everyday lives, we attend to one particular aspect of empathy in dialogue: how the Other is dialogically constructed in relation to the Self. By tracing patterns of stabilization and variability in dialogic construction of Self and Other, post 7/7 and 9/11, the study aims to understand the impact of increased uncertainty on people's emotions, and on the voices and positions that people construct for themselves and for others.The study is innovative in applying a complex dynamic systems view of society, culture, cognition and discourse which allows researchers to attend to interdependencies of affective, cognitive and social factors in people's lives. This approach highlights the fluidity of constructions CONSTRUCTION OF SELF AND OTHER AFTER TERRORISM 1 of Self and Other as voiced in people's accounts, and how people move in and out of multiple social identities.

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Group Identification under Conditions of Threat: College Students' Attachment to Country, Family, Ethnicity, Religion, and University Before and After September 11, 2001

Cited by 88 publications

References 47 publications

Weighing the Costs of Disaster

The dialogic construction of self and other in response to terrorism.

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