Hate Crime Reporting as a Successful Social Movement Outcome

McVeigh, Rory; Welch, Michael; Bjarnason, Þóroddur

doi:10.2307/1519748

Cited by 123 publications

(171 citation statements)

References 49 publications

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“…For example, King et al (2009) found that in southern jurisdictions in the USA that had a history of lynching Blacks, there was a higher probability of either not participating in hate crime data collection or of always reporting zero hate crimes each year. The authors interpreted this finding to mean that within these jurisdictions, rather than being an active part in victimizing racial-ethnic minorities, local law enforcement refused to participate in programs that were perceived to help racial-ethnic minorities (King et al 2009). McVeigh et al (2003 also argued that hate crime counts in an area are a reflection of a successful social movement outcome (meaning more well-resourced civil rights organizations and supportive voters), rather than representing a higher number of hate crimes in those areas.…”

Section: Including Sexual Orientation In Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Sexual Orientation-Based Hate Crimes on Campus: The Impact of Policy on Reporting Rates

Stotzer

2010

Sex Res Soc Policy

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Federal Bureau of Investigation data for the last 10 years have tracked sexual orientation-based hate crimes on university and college campuses. Many states have passed hate crime laws that include sexual orientation and laws that mandate law enforcement hate crime training. At the same time, many campuses have amended their institutional antidiscrimination policies to include sexual orientation. This article reports on a study that examined the impact of these three types of policies and how they affect hate crime reporting rates. Results indicated that institutions located in states with hate crime laws that include hate crimes, with mandated law enforcement training that includes hate crime content, and with their own institutional policy, report the highest rates of sexual orientation-based hate crimes. Given prior research findings that hate crimes are severely underreported, the author discusses the implications for state and institutional commitment on hate crime reporting rates.

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Section: Including Sexual Orientation In Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Sexual Orientation-Based Hate Crimes on Campus: The Impact of Policy on Reporting Rates

Stotzer

2010

Sex Res Soc Policy

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“…As Soule (2004) demonstrates, activist organizations can influence public policy on issues such as same-sex marriage (see also Burstein 1991;McVeigh, Welch, and Bjarnason 2003;Wald et al 1996;Werum and Winders 2001). Soule's analysis uses state-level measures of the presence or absence of interest groups involved in the same-sex marriage debate.…”

Section: Control Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voting to Ban Same-Sex Marriage: Interests, Values, and Communities

2009

Self Cite

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From 2000 through 2008, initiatives proposing to ban same-sex marriage were on the ballot in 28 states. Although same-sex marriage opponents scored lopsided victories in most cases, voting outcomes varied substantially at the county level. This article examines sources of that variation and argues that opposition to same-sex marriage should be strong in communities characterized by the predominance of traditional gender roles and family structure. Perhaps more interestingly, the analysis also shows that the effects of traditional family structure and gender roles are especially strong in counties characterized by weak community cohesion, as indicated by residential instability, low rates of home ownership, and high crime rates.

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“…Relatedly, because the Republican Party is generally anti-abortion (Diamond, 1995;Mason, 2002), states where Republicans are more powerful politically should prove amenable to anti-abortion mobilization and activities. Such states may unintentionally send a signal to the fringe of the pro-life movement that their criminal activities will be tolerated (Jenkins, Jacobs, & Agnone, 2003;Koopmans & Statham, 1999;McVeigh, Welch, & Bjarnason, 2003;Van Dyke, & Soule, 2002). Blanchard and Prewitt (1993) argue that violence can be partially attributed to the anti-abortion movement's political despair.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%