Politics, culture, and political crime: Covariates of abortion clinic attacks in the United States

Freilich, Joshua D.; Pridemore, William Alex

doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2007.03.008

Cited by 14 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…Scholars argue that these transformations, while celebrated within some segments of American society, are frequently regarded as displacing the traditional dominance of white, Christian males, the demographic represented within right-wing extremist movements and right-wing terrorist organizations (Freilich, 2003;Handler, 1990;Hewitt, 2003;O'Brien and Haider-Markel, 1998;Smith, 1994). Scholars theorize that the loss of white male social, political and economic privilege has fueled a strong conservative backlash since the 1970s (Freilich and Pridemore, 2007;Lipset and Raab, 1977) that has been readily manipulated by right-wing extremists, some of whom are violent. 10 The contention that white male resentment helps to build support for right-wing extremism is supported by the broader literature suggesting that political, social and economic competition for dominance by groups in the context of demographic and social change boosts the propensity of the majority group to engage in violent conflict.…”

Section: Economic Grievance As a Motivator Of Right-wing Terrorismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First, more complete data are available at the state level than at the county or city level, particularly longitudinally, permitting a more reliable analysis using a greater number of variables. Second, previous scholars, such as Freilich and Pridemore (2007) in their empirical study of predictors of terrorist attacks on abortion clinics in the USA, have opted to use state-level indicators (Freilich and Pridemore, 2007) and observe that cities or counties might be too small a unit for an analysis seeking to examine the impact of large political, cultural and sociological forces that often affect wider regions of the country (see Baller et al, 2001;Chermak, 2002;Freilich, 2003;Freilich and Pridemore, 2005b;Pitcavage, 2001). 15.…”

Section: Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The small number of studies that execute more comprehensive multivariate analyses evaluate predictors of the location of extremist right-wing organizations across US states rather than testing predictors of actual terrorist violence 5 (Durso and Jacobs, 2013; Freilich and Pridemore, 2005a; O’Brien and Haider-Markel, 1998; Van Dyke and Soule, 2002). Such studies also confine themselves to either a snapshot of one year or a sharply limited number of years rather than using a longitudinally robust time series 6 (Freilich and Pridemore, 2007; Nice, 1988; Van Dyke and Soule, 2002). Finally, all empirical studies to date confine themselves to one particular type of right-wing terrorism only, such as attacks on abortion clinics, rather than on the wider and often overlapping phenomenon of right-wing terrorism as a whole (Durso and Jacobs, 2013; Freilich and Pridemore, 2007; Nice, 1988; Van Dyke and Soule, 2002).…”

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confidence: 99%

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The determinants of domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: Economic grievance, societal change and political resentment

Piazza

2016

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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This study tests three categories of motivations for domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: economic grievances, particularly those produced by economic restructuring; societal changes that challenge notions of white male privilege; and political and public policy elements that stoke resentments. Executing a series of negative binomial regression estimations on state-level data in the USA for the period 1970-2011, I find that measures of societal factors-specifically increase in abortion rates and growing female participation in the labor force-and political indicators such as Democratic Party control of the White House, precipitate right-wing terrorist attacks. Factors associated with economic hardships-such as poverty, the decline of manufacturing employment and the ''Farm Crisis''-as well as growth of the non-white population, control of state government by the Democratic Party and growth of average Federal Income Tax rates-are not found to be significant predictors of right-wing terrorism. KeywordsExtremism, political violence right-wing, terrorism, USA Domestic, right-wing terrorism 1 in the United States-terrorist activity perpetrated by groups and individuals motivated by various extremist right-wing political ideologies including extreme nationalism, racism and white supremacy, Christian religious radicalism and radical anti-government beliefs-represents a significant threat, but with some notable exceptions is curiously understudied by scholars of terrorism. 2 Since 1970, domestic rightwing terrorists have committed more than 500 attacks in the USA. 3 Although this comprises only about a quarter of all terrorist attacks on US soil-and is only half the number committed by domestic left-wing terrorists-right-wing terrorism has resulted in more deaths than any other type of domestic terrorist activity. Over the period 1970-2011, out of 471

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Section: Economic Grievance As a Motivator Of Right-wing Terrorismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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The determinants of domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: Economic grievance, societal change and political resentment

Piazza

2016

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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“…Similarly, low levels of social capital have been associated with higher rates of homicide (Rosenfeld, Baumer, & Messner, 2001). There is also a long tradition associating ideologically and nonideologically motivated violence with social disorganization (Freilich & Pridemore, 2007). In this tradition, scholars have noted that societies with higher levels of social cohesion tend to experience lower levels of antisocial behavior (Durkheim, 1951).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Distinction Without a Difference? Examining the Causal Pathways Behind Ideologically Motivated Mass Public Shootings

Capellan

Anisin

2018

Homicide Studies

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This study utilizes crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis to assess 306 mass shootings. We compare non-extremist and extremist mass shooters according to characteristics that capture mental health histories of offenders, their grievances, and strains. We discover that offenders who sympathized with extremism were driven by grievance against a social group and were suffering from either mental health issues or from general strain. Extremist sympathizers differ from non-extremists in the nature of their grievances and the strains they experience. These results imply there may exist different causal mechanistic activity underpinning extremist and non-extremist violence, specifically with regards to mass shootings.

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“…151 Consistent with the view that the feminist movement challenged male dominance in the family and the work place, anti-abortion violence was also found to be perpetuated by a small group of "abortion warriors" 152 who belonged to a subculture that emphasized "traditional, patriarchal gender relations," sought to "control women," and tolerated violence against women. 153 In a sense, the anti-abortion movement can be seen as a response to the feminist movement in the same way the rightwing violence in Italy between 1969 and 1982 was a response to left-wing violence.…”

Section: B the United States In The 1980s And 1990smentioning

confidence: 99%

Assessing Domestic Right-Wing Extremism Using the Theory of Collective Behavior

Baldoza¹

2009

PsycEXTRA Dataset

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Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to ABSTRACT (maximum 200 words)Despite published warnings from the Department of Homeland Security, the current social, economic, and political environment is not likely to lead to a violent confrontation between right-wing extremist groups and government authorities. This thesis applies the theory of collective behavior and examines-in the context of the current health care reform debate-existing conditions and dynamics and their influence on the domestic far right. Although several determinants of collective behavior (i.e., structural conduciveness, structural strain, and ideology) produce a climate within which right-wing extremism can emerge and flourish, the lack of an influential far-right leader and the effective operation of existing social controls hinder the mobilization of the domestic far right.To counter right-wing extremism, the U.S. government should avoid dismissing outright the grievances of the far right. Instead, the government should direct its efforts to reduce the social structures that create an environment in which right-wing extremism can emerge and flourish and to encourage and ensure the effective operation of social controls. Endeavors along these lines are similar to international efforts countering radical Islamic extremism. Further studies are needed to explore how counter-radicalization approaches against Islamic extremists can be tailored to comply with domestic law and be applied to domestic right-wing extremists. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of NUMBER OF PAGES 143 SUBJECT TERMS MASTER OF ARTS IN SECURITY STUDIES (HOMELAND SECURITY AND DEFENSE)from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL December 2009Author: Arnold C. Baldoza

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Politics, culture, and political crime: Covariates of abortion clinic attacks in the United States

Cited by 14 publications

References 34 publications

The determinants of domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: Economic grievance, societal change and political resentment

The determinants of domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: Economic grievance, societal change and political resentment

A Distinction Without a Difference? Examining the Causal Pathways Behind Ideologically Motivated Mass Public Shootings

Assessing Domestic Right-Wing Extremism Using the Theory of Collective Behavior

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