Historical Changes in Basque Dative Alternations: Evidence for a P-based (neo)derivational analysis

Ormazabal, Javier; Romero, Juan

doi:10.5334/gjgl.103

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…Nevertheless, save exceptions (Trask 1981), no theoretical status has been attributed to -(k)i till the late nineties and the beginning of the twentieth century, when -(k)i has been generally claimed to be an Appl morpheme (Elordieta 2001: 62;Rezac 2006. Indeed, as we have previously said (section 1), both the derivational and the base-generation Appl-analysis of Basque datives have been explored in many papers: the former in Albizu 1998Albizu , 2001Albizu & Fernández 2006;Arregi 2003;Arregi & Ormazabal 2003;Ormazabal & Romero 2015 among others; the latter, in Oyharçabal (2010) also discussed by Fernández & Ortiz de Urbina (2010).…”

Section: Discussing the Appl-approach To -(K)imentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Nevertheless, two main approaches have been proposed in order to account for applicatives: the derivational one in Baker (1988) and the base-generation analysis in McGinnis (1998) and Pylkkänen (2002Pylkkänen ( /2008). These two main hypotheses have been also explored and developed for Basque datives: the former in Albizu (1998Albizu ( , 2001 and Ormazabal & Romero (2015), and the latter in Oyharçabal (2010) among others.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Syntax of -(K)i, a Basque Preposition

Fernández¹

2015

Dialectologia

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In this paper, we aim at analyzing the Basque inflectional morpheme -(k)i called dative flag after Trask (1997). We will propose this morpheme -(k)i to be an applicative head, as suggested in Elordieta (2001) or Rezac (2006) among others. Moreover, we will propose this applicative to be an incorporated preposition in the spirit of Trask (1981: 289). The idea of -(k)i being an applicative/incorporated preposition can be combined with both the derivational account for applicatives (Baker 1988) and the base-generation analysis (McGinnis 1988), developed also for Basque.Nonetheless, the applicative/incorporated preposition analysis of -(k)i departs considerably from the typological definition of Bantu applicatives. Actually, the presence of -(k)i is more pervasive in Basque than applicatives in Bantu languages, as it is attested in both differential object marking (Odria 2014) (vs. (Oyharçabal 1993; Haddican 2015). Bantu languages, Bresnan & Mchombo 1988) and allocutivesAlthough this paper will not give an alternative analysis to those already developed in Basque, it aims at raising some questions on the nature of -(k)i that might have consequences in the general discussion on applicatives. KeywordsBasque verbal inflection, dative flag, applicatives/incorporated prepositions, clitic doubling constructions 1 I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for their valuable suggestions regarding the improvement of an earlier version of this paper. I am also grateful to Richard S. Kayne and Ane Odria for their comments and suggestions. All of the usual disclaimers apply. LA SINTAXIS DE -(K)I, UNA PREPOSICIÓN INCORPORADA Resumen En este artículo, analizaremos el morfema inflexional vasco -(k)i, conocido como dative flag (Trask 1997). El análisis se basará en dos hipótesis fundamentales. Por una parte, que dicho morfema es un aplicativo, tal y como habían sugerido previamente Elordieta (2001) y Rezac (2006) entre otros. Por otra parte, que dicho aplicativo es una preposición incorporada (Trask 1981: 289). Este análisis es compatible tanto con la aproximación derivacional a los aplicativos (Baker 1988) como con la que defiende la generación en la base (McGinnis 1988), ambas desarrolladas también en euskera. Sin embargo, el análisis de -(k)i como aplicativo/preposición incorporada dista considerablemente de la definición tipológica de los aplicativos bantúes. En general, la presencia de -(k)i es más predominante que los aplicativos en lenguas bantúes ya que se manifiesta tanto en instancias de marcado de caso diferencial (Odria 2014) (vs lenguas bantúes, Bresnan & Mchombo 1988) como en alocutivos (Oyharçabal 1993; Haddican 2015)Aunque este artículo no propondrá un análisis alternativo a los ya desarrollados en euskera, aspira a poner de manifiesto ciertas cuestiones sobre la naturaleza de -(k)i que podrían tener consecuencias en la discusión general sobre los aplicativos. Palabras claveinflexión verbal vasca, dative flag, aplicativo/preposición incorporada, doblado de clítico

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Section: Discussing the Appl-approach To -(K)imentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Syntax of -(K)i, a Basque Preposition

Fernández¹

2015

Dialectologia

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“…In Basque, dative Case is commonly considered to be assigned either by (High/Low) Appl or by a P head (see, among many others, Albizu 2001a, Rezac 2008a, 2008b, Albizu 2009, Etxepare & Oyharçabal 2009, Rezac 2009a, 2009b, Fernández 2010a, 2010b, Fernández & Ortiz de Urbina 2010, Rezac 2011, Fernández & Ortiz de Urbina 2012, Etxepare & Oyharçabal 2013, Odria 2014, Fernández 2015, Odria 2017, Ormazabal & Romero 2017, Odria 2019). However, in order to distinguish the dative object of impersonals from other inherent datives, we propose that the dative Case assigner in impersonals is instead K, a more general functional head that stands for (structural) Case—this is in fact the head that assigns dialectally attested differential object marking in transitive constructions (Odria 2017).…”

Section: Circumventing the Person Restriction: Differential Object Ma...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Building on Rezac 2011, we thus propose that, as in ditransitives, impersonals have a last-resort repair strategy available to repair the Case-licensing failure on first-and second-person objects: the activation of a dative-Case-assigning ϕ probe. Through the activation of this probe, the first-and second-person objects that are otherwise unable to bear absolutive marking can appear with dative case and agreement: Fernández 2015, Odria 2017, Ormazabal & Romero 2017, Odria 2019. However, in order to distinguish the dative object of impersonals from other inherent datives, we propose that the dative Case assigner in impersonals is instead K, a more general functional head that stands for (structural) Case-this is in fact the head that assigns dialectally attested differential object marking in transitive constructions (Odria 2017).…”

Section: 2mentioning

confidence: 99%

Person matters in impersonality

Berro

Odria

Fernández

2022

Syntax

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The Basque impersonal is a detransitivized construction where the internal argument is the only overt argument and the external argument, although semantically present, does not have any morphological reflex. This article argues that, despite its intransitive shape, the impersonal involves a particular kind of Voice projection that we term defective. For case and agreement, being defective means having no uninterpretable ϕ features and no Case to assign. However, a silent person pronoun is introduced in its specifier position, and thus, there are two arguments within VoiceP. The two arguments compete to value the ϕ features of the next functional head, namely T. With this analysis we account for the main properties of the impersonal, such as the syntactic activeness of the implicit external argument and the person constraint on the internal argument.

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“… 7 Ormazabal & Romero (1998, 2014) and Odria (2012, 2014) adopt other views, but they still assume a surface structure with DP-io higher than DP-do, both separated by one or more maximal projections. …”

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confidence: 99%

Recursive phonological phrasing in Basque

Elordieta

2015

Phonology

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This paper presents data that force a revised account of the distribution of downstep and pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque. In the light of these data, previous analyses of pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque make wrong predictions. On the one hand, pitch reset is predicted where downstep occurs, and on the other, an ordinary reset is predicted where a large reset occurs. The occurrence of downstep and pitch reset, as well as the amount of pitch reset observed, is best accounted for under the assumption that languages possess a hierarchical prosodic structure that roughly matches the surface syntactic structure of a sentence, including levels of embedding or nesting of syntactic constituents. The analysis proposed in this paper is that pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque applies at the left edge of a non-minimal phonological phrase, i.e. a phonological phrase that dominates at least another phonological phrase.

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Historical Changes in Basque Dative Alternations: Evidence for a P-based (neo)derivational analysis

Cited by 6 publications

References 26 publications

The Syntax of -(K)i, a Basque Preposition

The Syntax of -(K)i, a Basque Preposition

Person matters in impersonality

Recursive phonological phrasing in Basque

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