As we reflect on where we have been and where we are headed at the beginning of a new century, the massive changes that have occurred in women's roles in the United States and elsewhere over the last 3-4 decades emerge as perhaps one of the twentieth century's most enduring and basic legacies. A fundamental and profound shift in public expectations of women's roles at work and at home has been well documented (Public Perspective 1993;Simon and Landis 1989;Thornton, Alwin, and Camburn 1983). Despite minor misgivings over the fate of preschool children and the relative importance of a husband's and a wife's career, Americans seem generally sanguine about the broadening of women's roles from the home to the workplace and beyond.There is less consensus, however, on the need for a continued women's movement despite its acknowledged role in changing society's expectations about women over the last several decades (Sigel 1996). While the women's movement that emerged in the mid-1960s placed the spotlight on gender discrimination in the workplace, pay inequities, and unequal hiring practices, it also aroused opposition from women and men who were uneasy with changes in women's traditional roles as wives and mothers. Some of this uneasiness lingers in the present era, perhaps in somewhat different form, as pundits and social commentators question whether the women's movement has outlived its usefulness. The movement's contemporary detractors accuse it of ignoring women who place greater emphasis on a family than a career, failing to accommodate women of diverse backgrounds, and losing touch with leonie huddy, francis k. neely, and marilyn r.
1.A minor caution is necessary here concerning gender-of-interviewer effects. Our past research and that of others has demonstrated that questions on the women's movement are especially susceptible to gender-of-interviewer effects (Huddy et al. 1997;Kane and Macaulay 1993). Most of the survey data included in this review are based on telephone interviews that are typically collected by both male and female interviewers. But both the NES and GSS studies are based on face-to-face interviews that are typically conducted by women and may, thus, overstate support for the women's movement among both male and female respondents. at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from 2. Comparisons between responses to questions about the meaning of feminists and the women's movement should be treated with caution since the data for feminists are based on a series of close-ended questions, while data for the women's movement derive from open-ended responses. at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from
Public InvolvementThis pattern of pervasive but weak movement support is further reinforced by relatively low levels of reported movement participation. Roughly 5-14 percent of women have joined an organizatio...