The Polls—Trends

Abstract

As we reflect on where we have been and where we are headed at the beginning of a new century, the massive changes that have occurred in women's roles in the United States and elsewhere over the last 3-4 decades emerge as perhaps one of the twentieth century's most enduring and basic legacies. A fundamental and profound shift in public expectations of women's roles at work and at home has been well documented (Public Perspective 1993;Simon and Landis 1989;Thornton, Alwin, and Camburn 1983). Despite minor misgivings over the fate of preschool children and the relative importance of a husband's and a wife's career, Americans seem generally sanguine about the broadening of women's roles from the home to the workplace and beyond.There is less consensus, however, on the need for a continued women's movement despite its acknowledged role in changing society's expectations about women over the last several decades (Sigel 1996). While the women's movement that emerged in the mid-1960s placed the spotlight on gender discrimination in the workplace, pay inequities, and unequal hiring practices, it also aroused opposition from women and men who were uneasy with changes in women's traditional roles as wives and mothers. Some of this uneasiness lingers in the present era, perhaps in somewhat different form, as pundits and social commentators question whether the women's movement has outlived its usefulness. The movement's contemporary detractors accuse it of ignoring women who place greater emphasis on a family than a career, failing to accommodate women of diverse backgrounds, and losing touch with leonie huddy, francis k. neely, and marilyn r. 1.A minor caution is necessary here concerning gender-of-interviewer effects. Our past research and that of others has demonstrated that questions on the women's movement are especially susceptible to gender-of-interviewer effects (Huddy et al. 1997;Kane and Macaulay 1993). Most of the survey data included in this review are based on telephone interviews that are typically collected by both male and female interviewers. But both the NES and GSS studies are based on face-to-face interviews that are typically conducted by women and may, thus, overstate support for the women's movement among both male and female respondents. at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from 2. Comparisons between responses to questions about the meaning of feminists and the women's movement should be treated with caution since the data for feminists are based on a series of close-ended questions, while data for the women's movement derive from open-ended responses. at McMaster University Library on March 25, 2015 http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from Public InvolvementThis pattern of pervasive but weak movement support is further reinforced by relatively low levels of reported movement participation. Roughly 5-14 percent of women have joined an organizatio...

Older and Younger Adults’ Attitudes Toward Feminism: The Influence of Religiosity, Political Orientation, Gender, Education, and Family

“…Consistent with previous research (Huddy et al 2000;Nelson 1988;Spence and Helmreich 1972;Thornton et al 1983;Truett 1992), results demonstrated that when compared to their older adult relatives, the U.S. college students in the present study were more liberal in their political orientation, religiosity, and attitudes towards women. It appears that regardless of gender, the younger adults were more willing to agree with positive responses about feminism and the women's movement.…”

“…Lyons et al (2005) identified specific values that are associated with different generations, but recommended that gender and cohort never be isolated from one another. Although views on gender equality, beliefs about women's rights, and endorsement of feminist values apply to men as well, females consistently participate more in the women's movement (Huddy et al 2000) and feel more positive about feminist labels (Jacobson 1979). However, men are becoming more profeminist over time (Mason and Lu 1988), and a smaller gender difference on views relating to the rights of women was noted in the mid-1990s compared to a historical sample twenty years previously (Loo and Thorpe 1998).…”

“Putting gender on the table”: Understanding reactions to women who discuss gender inequality

“…However, the present research focuses on addressing gender inequality more broadly and provides an important contribution and addition to past findings by potentially informing a range of domains. For example, the reactions to Hillary Clinton, a long time feminist advocate who addressed gender inequality many times in her presidential campaign, revealed a strong backlash that can be partially explained with the current findings; notably, a majority of White women voted for Trump (Rogers, 2016), and the majority of White women may presumably not identify themselves as feminists (Huddy, Neely, & Lafay, 2000). Sheryl Sandberg herself described being asked after her first speech on gender inequality “why I gave more speeches on women’s issues that on Facebook” and being asked if gender inequality “is your thing now” (Sandberg, 2013, p. 146), both remarks not intended as compliments.…”

Implicit attitudes.

“…women (Huddy, Neely, & Lafay, 2000;Kleugel & Smith, 1986), and gays and lesbians (Herek, 1991(Herek, , 2002Yang, 1997). Despite such changes, other evidence has continued to show group-based inequality in several domains of life-health care, housing, education, employment, and the justice system (Badgett, 1996;Daniels, 2001;Ellis & Riggle, 1996;Leonhardt, 2002;Portwood, 1995;Raudenbush & Kasim, 1998;Ridgeway, 1997;Rubenstein, 1996;Sidanius & Pratto, 1999;Stohlberg, 2002).…”