<i>Ser</i>and<i>Estar</i>: The Individual/Stage‐Level Distinction and Aspectual Predication

Camacho, José

doi:10.1002/9781118228098.ch22

Cited by 80 publications

(67 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Els processats van ser preguntats sobre la seva col·laboració en el referèndum (84) ? Dos policies foren disparats a l'esquena durant l'atracament Finalment, sostenim que, donades les seves propietats aspectuals, estar projecta un sintagma aspectual SAsp (Camacho 2012, Silvagni 2017. Quan el participi puja a SAsp per ajuntar-se amb estar, en aquesta nivell assigna cas obligatòriament 12 .…”

Section: El Cas I La Jerarquia Estructuralunclassified

Passives inesperades en català contemporani: el cas dels falsos complements indirectes

Crespí

2017

Borealis

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RESUM. Aquest article examina el comportament sintàctic d'un conjunt de verbs ditransitius del català que, contràriament al que prediu la gramàtica, permeten la passivització del complement indirecte. Les dades, que fins ara no havien estat objecte d'estudi, suggereixen que aquesta passivització no parteix d'una estructura ditransitiva en la sintaxi lèxica, sinó d'una estructura semblant a la dels verbs de locatum de Hale & Keyser (1993 en la qual el receptor del verb no és, en realitat, un objecte indirecte, sinó l'argument intern del verb. Així mateix, a partir de les restriccions que observem en la sintaxi oracional, proposem que el participi per si mateix no pot assignar cas (en el sentit d'Ormazábal & Romero 2013) a l'argument, de manera que l'argument es pot moure a la posició de subjecte de la clàusula participial, però sí que n'assigna quan es combina amb alguns verbs, com ara el copulatiu estar, amb la qual cosa l'argument queda fixat i no es pot promoure. Finalment, concloem que aquesta impossibilitat d'assignar cas és una prova més del fet que els participis són elements deficients, amb una estructura menys rica i complexa que la del verb.Paraules clau: participi, complement indirecte, passivització, cas, deficiència ABSTRACT. This paper examines the syntactic behaviour of a group of ditransitive verbs in Catalan which, contrary to what the grammar predicts, allow for the passivisation of the indirect complement. The data, which had not been analyzed before, suggest that this passivisation is not based on a ditransitive structure in lexical syntax, but rather a structure similar to that of verbs of locatum proposed by Hale & Keyser (1993, in which the receiver of the verb is not, in fact, an indirect object, but the internal argument of the verb. Moreover, based on the restrictions observed in sentential syntax, we propose that the participle cannot assign case (in the sense Ormazábal & Romero 2013) by himself to the argument, and that is why this argument can be moved to the subject position of the participial clause, but is does assign case when it combines with some verbs, such as the copulative estar, so that the argument is fixed and cannot be promoted. Finally, we conclude that this impossibility of assigning case is evidence for the fact that participles are deficient elements, with a less rich and complex structure than the verb.

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Section: El Cas I La Jerarquia Estructuralunclassified

Passives inesperades en català contemporani: el cas dels falsos complements indirectes

Crespí

2017

Borealis

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“…It has also been analysed as an event-related difference: IL predicates lack an (Davidsonian) eventive argument in their thematic grid (or have a special one), whilst SL predicates have an event argument (Kratzer 1995, Chierchia 1995. The characterization of ser and estar predications in these terms has also been challenged by many authors (see Maienborn 2003, Schmitt & Miller 2007, Roby 2009, Camacho 2012. If SL estar-predicates have an eventive argument, they should be able to occur with locative modifiers (assuming that these modifiers are sensitive to the presence of such an eventive argument), but cases like (10) are ungrammatical.…”

Section: Ser and Estar Predications Individual-and Stage-level Predimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Unmarked or ambivalent adjectives, which can combine with both copulas, are also postulated: alto ('tall'), blando ('soft'). Luján (1981), Clements (1988), Fernández Leborans (1999 and Camacho (2012), among others, develop proposals of this kind.…”

Section: Aspectual Composition Of Stative Copular Predicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Aspectual composition in "ser/estar + adjective" structures: adjectival scalarity and verbal aspect in copular constructions

Gumiel¹,

Pérez-Jiménez²

2012

Borealis

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The distribution of adjectives with the Spanish copulas ser and estar ('be') has been generally accounted for in the literature in aspectual terms, more specifically, in terms of the distinction between individual-level and stage-level predicates. Our claim is that the distributional properties of adjectives in the structure can be better described if the scalar properties of the adjectives (in the sense of Kennedy Keywords: ser; estar; adjective; copula; standard of comparison; scalarity; aspectual composition RESUMEN: La distribución de los adjetivos con los verbos copulativos ser y estar se ha explicado en la bibliografía en términos de la distinción entre predicados de individuo y predicados de estadio. En este trabajo, mostramos que las propiedades distribucionales de los adjetivos en las oraciones copulativas con ser y estar pueden describirse mejor si se tiene en cuenta la estructura escalar del adjetivo (en términos de Kennedy & McNally 2005). Específicamente, los adjetivos de escala abierta/relativos se combinan con ser, los adjetivos de escala cerrada/absolutos se combinan con estar. A partir de esta propuesta puede construirse una teoría sobre la composición aspectual en el dominio de las predicaciones copulativas en español paralela a la existente para los SSVV/vv eventivos, y para las predicaciones estativas en general (en la línea de los trabajos de Husband 2010de Husband , 2012. La estructura escalar de los adjetivos es la base de la clasificación de las estructuras copulativas como predicaciones estativas de individuo (o no acotadas/homogéneas, con ser) o como predicaciones estativas de estadio (o acotadas/cuantizadas, con estar).

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“…In contrast, to the extent that it is acceptable in a habitual reading, (38b) necessarily implies that there is some change that at least has been started. Now, this test must be taken with a grain of salt, given that estar does not always express SL predicates (see Camacho 2012 for an exhaustive presentation of the reasons). There are alternative theories about the distinction between ser and estar which assign aspect just a secondary role.…”

Section: Ser and Estarmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish

Fábregas

Marín

2015

The Linguistic Review

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Aspectual notions, although displayed most clearly in verbs, manifest across categories, with notions like (un)boundedness manifesting themselves in several instantiations which are sometimes specific of individual grammatical categories. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on how aspectual notions emerge in different categorial domains by an analysis of subject-experiencer and object-experiencer psychological predicates (SEPVs and OEPVs, respectively). We review the evidence that SEPVs denote individual level (IL) states, and provide new facts -taken from the behaviour of participles -in favour of that diagnostic; we also argue that OEPVs should be classified as states of the stage level (SL) class. We argue that OEPVs denote states with an onset, which corresponds to the denotation of SLs. SEPVs simply denote states without boundaries, which we argue to correspond to IL predicates. Finally, we show how these two denotations follow without further assumptions from the structures proposed for SEPVs and OEPVs in previous work, specially Pesetsky (1995), making it unnecessary to postulate that the distinction is of lexical nature.

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SerandEstar: The Individual/Stage‐Level Distinction and Aspectual Predication

Cited by 80 publications

References 10 publications

Passives inesperades en català contemporani: el cas dels falsos complements indirectes

Passives inesperades en català contemporani: el cas dels falsos complements indirectes

Aspectual composition in "ser/estar + adjective" structures: adjectival scalarity and verbal aspect in copular constructions

Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish

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