Income Inequality and Income Segregation

Reardon, Sean F.; Bischoff, Kendra

doi:10.1086/657114

Cited by 779 publications

(648 citation statements)

References 78 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

600

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…First, the trends conform with patterns documented for the United States (Monkkonen & Zhang, 2014;Reardon & Bischoff, 2011), where segregation levels consistently increase with population size and level of economic development, and Mexico and Brazil, where the size of cities is a more important factor than level of economic development (Monkkonen, 2012;Telles, 1995). In Brazil, the relationship between economic development and economic segregation is negative, consistent with China's pattern.…”

Section: How Segregated Are Chinese Cities?supporting

confidence: 76%

Economic segregation in transition China: evidence from the 20 largest cities

Monkkonen¹,

Comandon²,

Zhu

2016

Urban Geography

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Economic segregation in urban areas is important to scholars and policymakers because it is thought to exacerbate inequality in social outcomes such as education, social capital formation, and employment. A growing body of comparative work examines factors associated with higher levels of urban segregation within different countries. Increasingly, this work examines differences between levels of segregation across the income distribution rather than just one measure of segregation per city. China has high levels of income inequality and has undergone a dynamic process of urbanization in recent decades as it transitions from a centrally planned system to one in which markets allocate goods. Using census data from the 20 largest cities in China, we measure the level of economic segregation and examine its determinants. Chinese cities are highly segregated. Segregation levels tend to be higher in larger and richer cities and more pronounced among renters. There is a stronger link between segregation based on housing type and expenditure than between migrant status and expenditures, which leads us to speculate that the pace, timing, and scale of housing development are the dominant drivers of economic segregation. ARTICLE HISTORY

show abstract

Section: How Segregated Are Chinese Cities?supporting

confidence: 76%

Economic segregation in transition China: evidence from the 20 largest cities

Monkkonen¹,

Comandon²,

Zhu

2016

Urban Geography

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The highest levels of segregation can be found on both ends of the social distribution. Lower class groups may have relative high levels of segregation, the very highest are recorded at the most affluent (upper) middle class end (see for example Reardon and Bischoff, 2011;Musterd et al, 2015). Disaffiliation strategies by the higher ends of social space are thus also a key motor for spatial segregation.…”

Section: Framing the Analysis In Recent Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

Differentiated Residential Orientations of Class Fractions

Boterman¹,

Musterd²

2017

The SAGE Handbook of New Urban Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Neighbourhoods can be seen as units that have a function in certain phases of the lives of people. The ideal seems to be that they more or less 'match' the household type. Because of frequent changes in the household and also because of changes or inertia in several neighbourhoods mismatches may develop and therefore, when able, households will frequently try to 'rematch' their relationship with the neighbourhood. If we assume that the housing market is functioning reasonably well, a cross-sectional view on where household types have settled down will reveal relevant information about the relationship between household types and neighbourhoods. In this contribution we investigate that relationship in great detail. We apply a large dataset with individual level register data for the whole population of the metropolitan region of Amsterdam from which we can construct class fractions, which form the basis for explaining different neighbourhood orientations. The class fractions are constructed with information of the precise economic sector people are working in combined with -individual level -information on disposable income. We focus on low, middle and high income individuals, who are employed within fifteen contrasting employment sectors and for which we can analyse their neighbourhood orientation. For that purpose we constructed a large number of different neighbourhood types in the urban region of Amsterdam. The types were based on whether: 1) the location is in the urban core or not; 2) the population density of the neighbourhood and the size of the municipality; 3) housing real estate values in the neighbourhood; 4) and whether the neighbourhood consists of housing which is predominantly pre-war or not. While the relationship between class fractions and neighbourhood types is central to our investigations, we controlled for other obvious factors that impact upon residential orientations, such as age, family type, gender, and country of origin. We show that creative cultural class fractions are strongly overrepresented in the most urban milieus, more precisely Amsterdam milieus with middle status or high status. The most overrepresented class fractions in the metropolitan area, which are in urban high status neighbourhoods in the city of Amsterdam, are self-employed (independent) and high-income lawyers, followed by high-income professionals in the arts and book publishing sectors, as well as highest income class fractions employed at the university. Self-employed architects are most overrepresented in suburban high status neighbourhoods in Amsterdam.

show abstract

“…In fact, evidence suggests that income inequality may even reduce spatial segregation of low-income households and that rising income inequality cannot explain the increase of poverty segregation in the United States (Reardon & Bischoff, 2011). At a different level of analysis, Fritzell et al (2013) look at the role of relative poverty over time across 26 countries (affluent countries and some post-socialist Eastern European countries), and find that poverty has a detrimental effect on death risk also in affluent countries.…”

Section: Income Inequality and Health: Evidence And Debatementioning

confidence: 99%

Recalibrating the spirit level: An analysis of the interaction of income inequality and poverty and its effect on health

Rambotti

2015

Social Science & Medicine

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The publication of The Spirit Level (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009) marked a paramount moment in the analysis of health and inequality, quickly attracting a remarkable degree of attention, both positive and negative, both in academic and in public discourse. Following at least 20 years of research, the book proposes a simple and powerful argument: inequality per se, more specifically income inequality, is harmful to every aspect of social life. In order to confirm this idea, the authors present a series of bivariate, cross-sectional associations showing comparisons across countries and within the United States. Despite the methodological limitations of this approach, the authors advance causal claims concerning the detrimental effects of income inequality. They also rule out poverty as a plausible alternative explanation, without directly measuring it.Meanwhile, over the last decade stratification scholars have demonstrated the nonlinear effect of economic factors, especially income, on health. The results suggest that a relative approach is best for analyzing dynamics at the top of the income distribution, whereas an absolute approach seems most appropriate for studying the bottom of the distribution.Consistent with this perspective, here I reanalyze data from The Spirit Level, adding a measure of poverty, in order to control the effect of inequality and explore its interaction with poverty. The findings show that inequality and poverty-which I contend are two interdependent but nonetheless distinct phenomena-interact across countries, such that the detrimental effects of inequality are present or stronger in countries with high poverty, and absent or weaker in countries with low poverty; poverty replaces inequality as the favored explanation of health and social ills across states. The new evidence suggests that income distributions are characterized by a complex interplay between inequality and poverty, whose interaction deserves further analysis.

show abstract

Income Inequality and Income Segregation

Cited by 779 publications

References 78 publications

Economic segregation in transition China: evidence from the 20 largest cities

Economic segregation in transition China: evidence from the 20 largest cities

Differentiated Residential Orientations of Class Fractions

Recalibrating the spirit level: An analysis of the interaction of income inequality and poverty and its effect on health

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About