Income Inequality and Segregation in the Paris Metro Area (1990–2015)

McAvay, Haley; Verdugo, Grégory

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-64569-4_17

Cited by 7 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Indeed, if the goal is to generate racial desegregation, then conditional upzoning premised upon "inclusionary zoning" principles is likely a more effective short-term measure -which again cannot be generated by unpriced and unconditional upzoning, and is made harder once density has already been given away. We also note that even with highly dense, "missing middle" housing forms, racial segregation remains a reality in cities such as Paris, London and Stockholm (e.g., McAvay and Verdugo, 2021). It is class and individual preferences for ethnic proximity that now overwhelmingly generate racial segregation, not specific zoning rules.…”

Section: Is Low-density Zoning "Racist"?mentioning

confidence: 87%

Pricing upzoning: A reply to critics

Murray,

Gordon

2023

Preprint

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We thank the four respondents to our article, who have provided a range of insights into the debate around upzoning. To organize this reply, we first restate our main arguments below, and then summarize our responses to the main criticisms advanced by the four respondents.In our article, we made the following arguments:a)Upzoning provides additional property rights to current property owners, akin to providing them with “airspace” rights.b)These rights have a market value that could be priced.c)Unpriced upzoning has a budgetary cost due to this foregone revenue.d)The initial allocation of residential property rights in most countries is highly unequal, and thus unpriced upzoning will accrue to current property owners, exacerbating inequality.e)The alleged housing benefits from upzoning rely primarily on the idea that it will significantly increase the rate of supply, and thereby lower house prices and rents for non-owners. However, this claim is questionable, and existing evidence suggests it will not occur. f)There are many effective policies to price upzoning or otherwise achieve public benefit from upzoning, and these should be undertaken.The respondents agreed with many main points. For example, there was broad agreement that the value of upzoning rights can be large and that this represents an opportunity to generate public value. All the respondents also recognized that policies exist that are feasible to capture this value, even if there is disagreement on which, if any, should be adopted.

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Section: Is Low-density Zoning "Racist"?mentioning

confidence: 87%

Pricing upzoning: A reply to critics

Murray,

Gordon

2023

Preprint

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“…In the United States, research mainly analyzes ethno-racial differences in the occupation of urban space (Maloutas & Spyrellis, 2019). In France, for a long time, the approach to segregation was rather analyzed from the perspective of social classes (according to socio-professional categories) as a consequence of the virtual absence of publicly disseminated territorialized ethnic data (Safi, 2013, McAvay & Verdugo, 2021. However, in the mid-2000s, some studies attempted to address the ethno-racial dimension of socio-spatial segregation (Pan Ké Shon & Verdugo, 2015;McAvay & Verdugo, 2021;Préteceille, 2009;Safi, 2009).…”

Section: Socio-spatial Segregation: a Reality Structuring Major Citiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The internal socio-economic polarization of urban neighborhoods, the case of Marseille

Gripsiou¹,

Bergouignan²

2022

Ingeo

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The socio-economic inequalities of the different metropolitan neighborhoods have been carefully documented and analyzed in the social science literature. Starting from this premise, this article focuses on the less common neighborhoods in which two extremes coexist: very low-income households and high-income households. The objective is to identify the neighborhoods with a high internal socio-economic polarization, geolocate them in the urban space, characterize their population and housing stock, and measure their recent evolutionary trends. The empirical analysis focuses on the neighborhoods of Marseille (France), a city characterized by strong socio-spatial segregation between poor neighborhoods in the north and rich neighborhoods on the southern coast, and the presence of neighborhoods in which populations coexist with unequal resources. This empirical study is based on the fiscal and social data (Filosofi file) that allow knowing the income distribution and based on the census data to characterize the socio-demography and the type of housing of the population. In order to identify neighborhoods with intense internal socio-economic polarization and measure their evolution of income distribution, original poverty and wealth indexes have been developed, which synthesize the two extremes of this distribution. These neighborhoods with a high internal socio-economic polarization usually present certain distinctive aspects, such as their geographical location or a more or less rapid and intense gentrification process. However, some of them seem to escape this process, as evidenced by the contrasting trends in the recent evolution of income distribution and structural heterogeneity of the housing stock, in which small apartments and old buildings are very overrepresented.

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“…In European cities, the term “ghetto” is not often evoked, but visible minority concentrations are marked by economic disadvantage and members of minority groups may lead systematically different lives than the majority groups (Piekut et al, 2019). For example, many studies have documented the persistent overlapping of socio‐economic and multi‐ethnic immigrant segregation in the Paris metro area (e.g., McAvay & Verdugo, 2021). Hiebert (2015) considered the possibility that visible minorities were leading such “parallel lives” in Canadian cities with 2011 Census data.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential segregation and inequality: Considering barriers to choice in Toronto

Goel

2023

Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes

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Segregation of visible minorities has persisted throughout time in Toronto. In examining these concentrations, the literature has been heavily focused on the notion that visible minorities are choosing to live in proximity to their respective ethno‐racial groups and that these are spaces of aspiration rather than marginalization in Canada. This paper raises questions about the assertion of “self‐segregation” by emphasizing affordability constraints on residential choices that are often rooted in discrimination in the labour market. Census data from 2016 and an adopted neighbourhood classification scheme were used to understand the spatial patterning of visible minorities in the Toronto census metropolitan area and highlight differences in the socio‐economic characteristics of visible minority dominant and white dominant census tracts. The findings invite the inference that economic opportunities play a critical role in the residential choices of visible minorities and raise concerns about the quality of life in visible minority neighbourhoods. This research contributes to our understanding of how social inequalities have impacted the socio‐spatial organization of the city of Toronto.

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Income Inequality and Segregation in the Paris Metro Area (1990–2015)

Cited by 7 publications

References 27 publications

Pricing upzoning: A reply to critics

Pricing upzoning: A reply to critics

The internal socio-economic polarization of urban neighborhoods, the case of Marseille

Residential segregation and inequality: Considering barriers to choice in Toronto

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