Incumbency Advantage and Tenure Length in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, 1989-2009

Bunker, Kenneth; Navia, Patricio

doi:10.4067/s0718-090x2015000200001

Cited by 9 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…The gender gap in running and winning—which was statistically significant for all race types except running for municipal councils—is not surprising, given women’s overall underrepresentation in electoral politics (Supplementary Appendix 2). 6 Based on these trends, and building upon previous research finding no evidence that the number of deputies’ previous terms affected whether deputies sought or won reelection (Bunker & Navia, 2015), we treat running and winning as binary variables. We anticipate that incumbency will provide the strongest experience cue, but started with a broader analysis, placing candidates into three mutually exclusive groups based on past political experience: those who never ran for any elected office before (“never-rans”); those who ran but always lost (“perpetual losers”); and those who won any office at least once (“previous winners”).…”

Section: The Gender Gap In Campaign Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Follow the Money: Gender, Incumbency, and Campaign Funding in Chile

Piscopo

Hinojosa

Thomas

et al. 2021

Comparative Political Studies

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We examine women’s access to campaign resources using data from all 960 candidates competing in Chile’s 2017 legislative elections. Even when controlling for district characteristics, women candidates receive less money in party transfers, bank loans, and donations; place fewer personal funds in their campaigns; and have fewer resources overall. However, previous experience and incumbency narrow the gap. When women are newcomers, gender serves as an important cue about candidate quality and funders default to favoring men. Our results lend credence to practitioners’ claims that money disadvantages women candidates in democracies, but focuses attention on the disadvantage faced by women newcomers. Moreover, this gender gap in campaign funding exists despite a gendered electoral financing scheme designed to make political actors more likely to invest in women’s campaigns. While increasingly popular among development experts, our research suggests such schemes might be insufficient for equalizing campaign funding between men and women.

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Section: The Gender Gap In Campaign Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Follow the Money: Gender, Incumbency, and Campaign Funding in Chile

Piscopo

Hinojosa

Thomas

et al. 2021

Comparative Political Studies

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“…Para el periodo de estudio, la Cámara de Diputados de Chile se conformó de ciento veinte diputados distribuidos en sesenta distritos y electos por cuatro años. El sistema electoral utilizado durante este periodo fue el sistema binominal, el cual elegía para cada distrito dos diputados correspondientes a las dos primeras mayorías 4 , lo que tendía a la elección de un representante por coalición (Bunker y Navia, 2015;Carey, 2006). Además, este sistema proporcionó para el caso del Congreso chileno una comparabilidad de los actores en el tiempo debido a la indefinida posibilidad de reelección, lo que causó tasas de incumbencia cercanas al 60 % (González-Bustamante y Cisternas, 2016).…”

Section: Unidad De Análisis E Hipótesisunclassified

“…Si bien cambió de nombre durante algunos periodos e incluyó otros partidos, su reconocimiento electoral ha sido mayoritariamente por sus dos partidos líderes y el nombre de Alianza por Chile 4 Si una lista duplica en votos a la lista que le sigue obtiene los dos escaños. En caso contrario, las dos listas mayoritarias eligen un diputado cada una (Bunker y Navia, 2015;Carey, 2006). (Luna y Rovira, 2014).…”

Section: Unidad De Análisis E Hipótesisunclassified

Estrategias de copatrocinio legislativo en la Cámara de Diputados de Chile, 2010-2018

2021

Rev. Estud. Polít.

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Este artículo analiza el copatrocinio legislativo en la Cámara de Diputados de Chile durante los periodos legislativos 2010-‍2014 y 2014-‍2018. En específico, mediante un análisis de redes sociales (ARS), se estudia la coautoría de las mociones legislativas ingresadas por los representantes con el objetivo de identificar y comparar lógicas de trabajo legislativo. Explorar el copatrocinio de las mociones permite observar y analizar el comportamiento de los actores y las estrategias partidarias y de coalición. Los hallazgos de este trabajo muestran la importancia y centralidad de ciertos actores en el copatrocinio de mociones, así como también la existencia de lógicas de trabajo colectivo, que rompen y modifican las coaliciones en la Cámara.

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“…While the party system traces its origins to the pre-1973 democratic breakdown (Scully, 1992;Valenzuela, 1995), Pinochet's dictatorship shaped it into two main -pro-democracy and pro-authoritarianism-blocs (Tironi & Agüero, 1999;Torcal & Mainwaring, 2003). Not surprisingly, many studies treat Chile as a twoparty system, considering the two multiparty dominant coalitions as single parties, even if for simplicity purposes only (Dow, 1998;Carey, 2002;Siavelis, 2004;Londregan, 2007;Alemán & Saiegh, 2007;Morgenstern, Polga-Hecimovich, & Siavelis, 2014;Bunker & Navia, 2015;Bargsted & Maldonado, 2018;. Although those studies also acknowledge Chilean politics' multiparty nature, they use the stable two-coalition alignment as a shortcut to simplify their analysis, treating Chile as «a de facto two-party system» (Alemán & Saiegh, 2007, p. 253).…”

Section: Alternative Presidential Candidates In Chile 1989-2017mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Rise of Alternative Presidential Candidates in Chile, 2009-2017

Navia¹,

Perelló²

2020

Rev. Lat. Op. Pub.

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This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from outside the two dominant coalitions — in Chile from 2009 to 2017. Following a theoretical discussion that focuses on the causes of voter discontent with the political establishment, we formulate four hypotheses. We view support for alternative presidential candidates as a function of ideological detachment, declining political engagement, the economic vote, and socio-demographic shifts in the electorate. We use three pre-electoral Centro de Estudios Públicos surveys to present probit models and predicted probabilities. Our findings suggest that a distinct segment of Chilean voters is behind the rise of alternative presidential candidates. Younger and more educated voters who identify less with the traditional left-right ideological scale and political parties and suffer from economic anxiety—viewing the economy as performing well nationally while remaining pessimistic about their financial prospects—comprise this subgroup.

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Incumbency Advantage and Tenure Length in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, 1989-2009

Abstract: Artículos CienCia PolítiCa Incumbency AdvAntAge And tenure Length In the chILeAn chAmber of deputIes, 1989-2009* 1

Cited by 9 publications

References 41 publications

Follow the Money: Gender, Incumbency, and Campaign Funding in Chile

Follow the Money: Gender, Incumbency, and Campaign Funding in Chile

Estrategias de copatrocinio legislativo en la Cámara de Diputados de Chile, 2010-2018

The Rise of Alternative Presidential Candidates in Chile, 2009-2017

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