Indigenous social movements and political institutionalization: a comparative case study

Gillooly, Shauna N.

doi:10.1080/21565503.2019.1629306

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…In responding to such threats, governments need to offer unqualified support and protection to the political and social actors targeted (Blume, 2017). These include groups that may be critical of the state, such as journalists, environmental activists, representatives of indigenous and afro-descendent communities, and queer or feminist advocates (Gillooly, 2020; Shenk, 2021; Zulver, 2021a). Criminal actors use threats to position themselves as extralegal mediators, displacing alternative sources of authority.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grammar of Threat: Governance and Order in Public Threats by Criminal Actors

Johnson

Gillooly

2023

Comparative Political Studies

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Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasize that criminal actors rely on clandestine networks of influence. Subtle or coded threats are an effective means of extending that influence, but publicizing these threats appears to undermine their chief advantage. We argue that publicized threats broadcast an imagined order, delineating who has a place in society under criminal control, and who does not. To demonstrate this argument, we construct a “grammar of threat” and use this to analyze public threats broadcast by four criminal actors: two groups in Colombia and two in Mexico. The analysis demonstrates that every group projects an order through their threats, but that the order imagined varies by group. Some orders are more clearly ideological; some are more localized or more expansive. These findings highlight the important role of communication—distinct from but often combined with violence—in criminal governance.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grammar of Threat: Governance and Order in Public Threats by Criminal Actors

Johnson

Gillooly

2023

Comparative Political Studies

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“…However, regional iterations of the Maya political project are largely "divided and have an uneven following in rural areas" (Copeland, 2019, p. 3). This may be at least partially attributable to language differences between Maya communities (Gillooly, 2020(Gillooly, , p. 1008.…”

Section: The Situation Of the Maya In Guatemalamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Whereas Guatemalan law ostensibly guarantees the provision of healthcare in Mayan languages, this ruling is not enforced, and as a consequence NGOs rarely provide health services in Mayan languages (Flood et al, 2018, p. 137). Similarly, Guatemalan legal processes are carried out exclusively in Spanish (Gillooly, 2020(Gillooly, , p. 1013. This institutional monolingualism works to the detriment of Maya activists, against whom large corporations often weaponize the Guatemalan legal system (Castro & Picq, 2017, pp.…”

Section: The Situation Of the Maya In Guatemalamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As a gesture of solidarity, disparate communities and organizations often hold meetings to share effective resistance strategies (p. 5). However, language differences between Maya communities in Guatemala are a barrier to cooperation (Gillooly, 2020(Gillooly, , p. 1008. This means that an NMT system capable of translating Mayan languages could serve to facilitate this inter-community collaboration more effectively.…”

Section: Sharing Alternative Strategies For Resistance To Dominant De...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Translation and technocracy in development

Riemland

2022

LANS-TTS

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This article attempts to determine the role that translation technology might play in effective, indigenous-led development practices. It uses the Maya in Guatemala as an example. Guatemala has seen the growth of a robust non-governmental organization (NGO) sector that implements technocratic, neoliberal development strategies and has historically excluded Maya input (Raxche’, 1996). Mayan languages are a key focus in Maya efforts to assert their autonomy in Guatemala (French, 2010, p. 5). Language barriers still render vital resources inaccessible to the Maya (Fischer-Mackey et al., 2020, p. 906), and few Guatemalan NGOs emphasize Mayan languages in their work (Henderson et al., 2014, p. 80). Translation, therefore, is an essential component of effective and inclusive development practices. Whereas best practices in commercial translation are becoming increasingly intertwined with technology (Rico Pérez, 2019, p. 116), translation technology remains largely absent from humanitarian work (p. 119). Despite the opportunity this gap presents, the implementation of information and communication technology (ICT) such as neural machine translation (NMT) may exacerbate existing power imbalances between technocratic development planners and their intended beneficiaries (Chipidza & Leidner, 2019, p. 153). This article uses a meta-analytical approach in assessing existing research on the subject to illustrate the ways in which language and translation are integral to three key development areas: intercommunity meetings, the health sector, and environmental and social impact assessments (ESIAs). It uses Chipidza and Leidner’s (2019, p. 160) theory of power parity in the implementation of ICT to propose ways in which NMT may serve alternative, more inclusive development strategies in these specific contexts. The article details possible solutions to the anticipated practical challenges of implementing NMT in these contexts; and it highlights the limitations of each NMT application. It serves as a roadmap for implementing translation technology in inclusive development strategies for indigenous communities.

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