Today not only in North America and Europe but in the third world also women are coming forward to protest their oppression as womento fight against rape, bride-burning, female circumcision, inheritance systems which term them into propertiless dependents, unequal pay, lack of access to work, and sexual violence inside and outside the family. Increasing sections of this movement are becoming boldly and self-confidently feminist, though they nearly always try to formulate their feminism in terms of the special conditions of triply-exploited third world women. So we can see attempts to define a &dquo;popular feminism&dquo; is Peru and other countries of Latin America (Gabriel, 1984), attempts to conceptualize an &dquo;Asian feminism&dquo; (Bandarage, 1983) as well as efforts by many activists in the women's movement in India to trace feminist roots in their own heritage going back to the time of Buddha, the Lokayata philosophy and the first battles against the emerging brahmanic caste-patriarchy. Whatever the country, women revolutionaries now are no longer shy to call themselves feminist, to insist. that socialism must include feminism, to define domestic labor as exploitative, or to openly challenge male chauvinist practices within the left, as a remarkable article by the Association of Salvadoran Women shows (1982). In the process, the concept of &dquo;patriarchy&dquo; is being increasingly used to pinpoint a form of oppression/exploitation that cannot be defined within strictly understood economic terms, that operates within the working class and other oppressed sections almost as much as between them and their ruling class exploiters.In the third world, just as it happened in advanced capitalist societies, reaction to the rise of feminism comes not only from bourgeois forces who scorn and mock &dquo;women's lib&dquo; when they don't try openly to suppress women's organizations, but also from the traditional left. The traditional Marxist left in India and elsewhere, whose leadership remains almost entirely male, has tended to define (ill kinds of feminism as &dquo;petty-bourgeois&dquo; and to see the use of concepts like &dquo;patriarchy&dquo; as anti-Marxist and as a challenge to their efforts to integrate all social phenomena into a &dquo;class&dquo; analysis or narrowly defined concepts of &dquo;mode of production&dquo;, &dquo;economic base&dquo; and the like.In India, there have been fierce debates on this issue, debates not only between academics and party activists, but between women activists in the traditional left parties and women activists of newly emerging autonomous women's groups. Such debates marked the first session of the National Conference on Women's Studies in Bombay in 1981, and they are not likely to end soon.The value of such debates is to push feminist activists and academics to define cleariy exactly what is meant by &dquo;patriarchy&dquo; and its link with class, caste or other structures of socialeconomic oppression. This paper will attempt to do this by a critical examination of the...