Input sources of third person singular -<i>s</i>inconsistency in children with and without specific language impairment

Leonard, Laurence B.; Fey, Marc E.; Deevy, Patricia; Bredin-Oja, Shelley L.

doi:10.1017/s0305000914000397

Cited by 37 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Based on the findings discussed thus far, the Extended Optional Infinitive account of Rice et al (1998) and the input-misinterpretation account of Leonard et al (2015) seem most consistent with the evidence. Both can account for overregularizations, an extended period of inconsistency with irregular as well as regular past tense forms, and errors that take the form of nonfinite verbs.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 57%

“…Yet another type of account is seen in the work of Leonard, Deevy, and their colleagues (Leonard & Deevy, 2011;Leonard, Fey, Deevy, & Bredin-Oja, 2015). In this account, children with SLI are assumed to alternate between utterances such as The girl played tennis and The girl play tennis because, along with hearing past tense verbs in simple declarative sentences, they also hear nonfinite verb forms (such as play) in structures such as We saw the girl play tennis and Did the girl play tennis?…”

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confidence: 99%

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Past Tense Production in Children With and Without Specific Language Impairment Across Germanic Languages: A Meta-Analysis

Krok

Leonard

2015

J Speech Lang Hear Res

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Purpose: This study examined the extent to which children with specific language impairment (SLI) across Germanic languages differ from their typically developing (TD) peers in the use of past tense morphology. Method: A systematic literature search identified empirical studies examining regular and/or irregular past tense production by English and non-English Germanic-speaking children with SLI and their TD peers. Data from qualifying studies were extracted and converted to Hedges's g effect sizes.Results: Seventeen English and 8 non-English Germanic studies met inclusionary criteria. Comparing children with SLI and their TD age-matched (TDA) peers resulted in large combined effect sizes for English and non-English Germanic regular and irregular past tense production. Comparisons between children with SLI and their TD younger (TDY) peers also revealed large combined effect sizes for English and non-English Germanic regular past tense production. Effect sizes for studies comparing SLI and TDY irregular past tense production were large for non-English Germanic-speaking children and moderate for English-speaking children. Conclusions: Results suggest that children with SLI across Germanic languages do indeed have more difficulty marking verbs for past tense than TDA and TDY peers. The findings suggest that the potential value of past tense production as a clinical marker of SLI may well extend beyond English.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 57%

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confidence: 99%

Past Tense Production in Children With and Without Specific Language Impairment Across Germanic Languages: A Meta-Analysis

Krok

Leonard

2015

J Speech Lang Hear Res

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“…Using a similar method, Deevy (2011) andLeonard, Fey, Deevy, andBredin-Oja (2015) reported comparable findings with 5-year-old children with SLI who were inconsistent in their use of T/A morphemes. The children's use or failure to use morphemes such as auxiliary is and third-person singular -s was very much influenced by whether the input utterances contained these morphemes in declarative position (Daddy is relling) or instead contained a sequence such as Daddy relling (e.g., We saw Daddy relling; Is Daddy relling?).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 76%

Sensitivity to Morphosyntactic Information in 3-Year-Old Children With Typical Language Development: A Feasibility Study

Deevy

Leonard

Marchman

2017

J Speech Lang Hear Res

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Purpose This study tested the feasibility of a method designed to assess children's sensitivity to tense/agreement information in fronted auxiliaries during online comprehension of questions (e.g., Are the nice little dogs running? ). We expected that a group of children who were proficient in auxiliary use would show this sensitivity, indicating an awareness of the relation between the subject–verb sequence (e.g., dogs running ) and preceding information (e.g., are ). Failure to grasp this relation is proposed to play a role in the protracted inconsistency in auxiliary use in children with specific language impairment (SLI). Method Fifteen 3-year-old typically developing children who demonstrated proficiency in auxiliary use viewed pairs of pictures showing a single agent and multiple agents while hearing questions with or without an agreeing fronted auxiliary. Proportion looking to the target was measured. Results Children showed anticipatory looking on the basis of the number information contained in the auxiliary ( is or are ). Conclusions The children tested in this study represent a group that frequently serves as a comparison for older children with SLI. Because the method successfully demonstrated their sensitivity to tense/agreement information in questions, future research that involves direct comparisons of these 2 groups is warranted.

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“…On the Input account of optional infinitives, children focus on utterance-final subjectverb sequences, and harness these as propositions (Freudenthal et al, 2009(Freudenthal et al, , 2010Leonard et al, 2015). Thus Did the dolphin jump?…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negative sentences in children with specific language impairment

et al. 2016

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This study used elicited production methodology to investigate the negative sentences that are produced by English-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI). Negative sentences were elicited in contexts in which adults use the negative auxiliary verb doesn't (e.g., It doesn't fit). This form was targeted to see how negative markers (not, n't) interact with the 3rd person singular -s in the grammars of children with SLI. A robust sample of negative sentences was collected from 63 children: 21 5-yearold children with SLI, 21 language-matched typically-developing children and 21 agematched typically-developing children. The negative sentences produced by children in the two control groups were consistently adult-like. In contrast, only 5 of the 21 children in the SLI group produced adult-like negative sentences with doesn't. The other 16 children with SLI produced a variety of non-adult negative sentences (e.g., It not fit, It's not fit, It not fits, It's not fits). The study concludes that children with SLI undergo an extended period in the development of sentential negation during which they produce

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Input sources of third person singular -sinconsistency in children with and without specific language impairment

Cited by 37 publications

References 42 publications

Past Tense Production in Children With and Without Specific Language Impairment Across Germanic Languages: A Meta-Analysis

Past Tense Production in Children With and Without Specific Language Impairment Across Germanic Languages: A Meta-Analysis

Sensitivity to Morphosyntactic Information in 3-Year-Old Children With Typical Language Development: A Feasibility Study

Negative sentences in children with specific language impairment

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