Abstract:En el proceso de las transiciones democráticas iniciado en la República Dominicana en el año 1978, los partidos políticos fueron los catalizadores de la mayor parte de los derechos, deseos y esperanzas de la sociedad dominicana, pero una vez recuperada la democracia en un contexto de crisis económica, acaba produciéndose una frustación entre el volumen de exigencias ciudadanas y la incapacidad de dirección y canalización de demandas por parte de los partidos políticos La automatización de los partidos frente a… Show more
“…New leaders emerged after heated intra‐party struggles, voter loyalty to the three parties persisted, and the traditional party system continued on. “Partisan heavyweights” exist but contrary to much of the Dominican literature (see Villamán 2006 and Aquino 2004) these are not caudillo parties susceptible to perpetual succession problems 14 . Fernández, labeled a caudillo by some, faced an internal primary challenger (Danilo Medina, the PLD's candidate in 2000) in 2008 – he won with 70 percent of vote.…”
Section: Endogenous/exogenous Factors and Party System Stabilitymentioning
confidence: 95%
“…Pessimism pervades more recent scholarship as well. Villamán (2006) depicts the traditional parties as lacking public support, and stunting democratization, due to their failure to process socioeconomic demands. The Polity Project (2008) states “The dominant parties are weakly organized and lack ideological or programmatic goals.”Gregory (2007) describes these parties as predatory clientelistic organizations that are subservient to international capital and hostile to democratic citizenship.…”
Section: Dominican Politics and Political Partiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… See Aquino 2004; Mitchell 2008; Peña 1996; Espinal 2005; Lozano 2006; Oviedo 1984; and Villamán 2006. …”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Start with “La corrupción, características y consecuencias en república dominicana” published by Participacion Ciudadana (2003). Also see Peña 1996; Aquino 1999; Polanco 1993; Sáez and Freidenberg 2001; Achard et al 2005; Delmas 2008; and Villamán 2006.…”
“…New leaders emerged after heated intra‐party struggles, voter loyalty to the three parties persisted, and the traditional party system continued on. “Partisan heavyweights” exist but contrary to much of the Dominican literature (see Villamán 2006 and Aquino 2004) these are not caudillo parties susceptible to perpetual succession problems 14 . Fernández, labeled a caudillo by some, faced an internal primary challenger (Danilo Medina, the PLD's candidate in 2000) in 2008 – he won with 70 percent of vote.…”
Section: Endogenous/exogenous Factors and Party System Stabilitymentioning
confidence: 95%
“…Pessimism pervades more recent scholarship as well. Villamán (2006) depicts the traditional parties as lacking public support, and stunting democratization, due to their failure to process socioeconomic demands. The Polity Project (2008) states “The dominant parties are weakly organized and lack ideological or programmatic goals.”Gregory (2007) describes these parties as predatory clientelistic organizations that are subservient to international capital and hostile to democratic citizenship.…”
Section: Dominican Politics and Political Partiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… See Aquino 2004; Mitchell 2008; Peña 1996; Espinal 2005; Lozano 2006; Oviedo 1984; and Villamán 2006. …”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Start with “La corrupción, características y consecuencias en república dominicana” published by Participacion Ciudadana (2003). Also see Peña 1996; Aquino 1999; Polanco 1993; Sáez and Freidenberg 2001; Achard et al 2005; Delmas 2008; and Villamán 2006.…”
“…The system has been dominated by the Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD), the Partido de la Liberación Dominicana (PLD) and the Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PRSC) since the Villamán, 2006;Mitchell, 2008). Personalism and corruption imply weak ties between the party and its citizenry, and should generate high levels of volatility.…”
Section: Scenario 2: Realignment Among Existing Parties (Dominican Rementioning
In this article we provide a theoretical and empirical evaluation of the evolution of partisan alignments in Latin America since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization. We first point to a series of limitations of the conventional framework of partisan alignments, namely their disregard of party systems that are only partially or non-institutionalized. Second, we propose a refined framework that is more universally applicable. We then operationalize our indicators and apply our new framework to every democratic country in Latin America to generate a map of the evolution of partisan loyalties in Latin America in the period 1980-2012. Our analysis reveals that the conventional view of widespread partisan dealignment in Latin America is largely inaccurate.
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