2017
DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.02.003
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Interventions on Europe's political futures

Abstract: At the best of times Europe is a vast and unwieldy topic. As was the case 25 years agoanother moment when a culmination of events warranted reflection on Europe's political futures-writing from the midst of geopolitical and geo-economic upheaval raises the challenge of how to gain perspective, to reflect on what is happening and to reassess how we approach issues. Yet as critical scholars it is imperative that we do so. In reflecting on the manifold challenges to the idea and space of Europe the interventions … Show more

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Cited by 23 publications
(18 citation statements)
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“…Once they are in office, like the Hungarian party Fidesz, led by the charismatic Viktor Orbán, their border representations are even more consequential (as with Slovakia--see Kazharski, 2018 ). The complexity of Orbán's border rhetoric is particularly notable for its combination of seemingly contradictory elements: building fences while maintaining open borders in Schengen; closing the border for migrants while keeping it open for co-ethnics living outside the EU ( Lamour & Varga, 2017 ; Crawley's intervention in McConnell et al., 2017 ; Varga, 2017 ; Scott, 2018 ). Varga (2019) demonstrates the differences in the border framings of Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen between 2015 and 2017, noting that Le Pen, before changing the name of her party into Rassemblement national and abandoning the goal of leaving the euro and the EU (as explained above), was mobilizing the border at the national level exclusively; Orbán, meanwhile, was claiming to defend the borders of the nation but also those of European civilization and of the Schengenzone.…”
Section: Scaling Borders and The Paradoxical Europeanization Of Populmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Once they are in office, like the Hungarian party Fidesz, led by the charismatic Viktor Orbán, their border representations are even more consequential (as with Slovakia--see Kazharski, 2018 ). The complexity of Orbán's border rhetoric is particularly notable for its combination of seemingly contradictory elements: building fences while maintaining open borders in Schengen; closing the border for migrants while keeping it open for co-ethnics living outside the EU ( Lamour & Varga, 2017 ; Crawley's intervention in McConnell et al., 2017 ; Varga, 2017 ; Scott, 2018 ). Varga (2019) demonstrates the differences in the border framings of Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen between 2015 and 2017, noting that Le Pen, before changing the name of her party into Rassemblement national and abandoning the goal of leaving the euro and the EU (as explained above), was mobilizing the border at the national level exclusively; Orbán, meanwhile, was claiming to defend the borders of the nation but also those of European civilization and of the Schengenzone.…”
Section: Scaling Borders and The Paradoxical Europeanization Of Populmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The question is not who has the upper hand in the relations between Brussels and the member states. The question is how to analyse regulatory power in Europe without that binary of Brussels and the member states and without the national matrix that imagines power in state-based terms and thereby unimagines transnational connections (Kuus 2017b).…”
Section: Transnationalisation Of Statesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Brexit becomes one more case of a resurgence of populist nationalism after the financial crisis of 2008 onwards and, as such, a symptom of a European‐wide “crisis of liberalism” and identity (Douzinas, ; Wodak, ), to give but some of many explanations. In commenting on Brexit's conditions, geographers have honed in on the legacies of Empire, imperial geography and Britain's geopolitical decline, ignorance of the European Union's structure and powers (McConnell et al., ), and the political geographies of new and growing forms of territorial fragmentation and uneven development (Bachmann & Sidaway, ; Dorling, ; Ingram, ). At the same time, early analyses of electoral geographies have underscored the significance of education, income, and age to voting behaviour, while pointing to an “unfairly blamed” working class, who were less crucial to the result than was widely reported (Dorling, , p. 1).…”
Section: What Kind Of Thing Is Brexit?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Brexit becomes the expression of a fragmented nation as the vote to stay or leave is correlated with various indices of social difference and position (Barnett, 2017). In commenting on Brexit's conditions, geographers have honed in on the legacies of Empire, imperial geography and Britain's geopolitical decline, ignorance of the European Union's structure and powers (McConnell et al, 2017), and the political geographies of new and growing forms of territorial fragmentation and uneven development (Bachmann & Sidaway, 2016;Dorling, 2016;Ingram, 2017). Brexit becomes one more case of a resurgence of populist nationalism after the financial crisis of 2008 onwards and, as such, a symptom of a European-wide "crisis of liberalism" and identity (Douzinas, 2013;Wodak, 2013), to give but some of many explanations.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%