Introduction

Kymlicka, Will; Pföstl, Eva

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199675135.003.0001

Cited by 13 publications

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“…42 Kymlicka and Pföstl have argued that this scepticism may be historically explained in part by the Ottoman Empire's legacy of the millet system, under which minorities were understood as second class citizens and not part of the larger society. 43 Claiming indigenous or minority rights could thus be interpreted as a claim to re-establish this system, which would be inconsistent with prevailing conceptions of equal citizenship and national unity.…”

Section: Egyptian Arab Nationalism and Indigeneitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Kymlicka and Pföstl have suggested that minority activists often appeal to a global discourse as a way of legitimating their claims, and at the same time seek to prove that such activism is compatible with existing local discourses. 72 research elsewhere on human rights activism in authoritarian states has also demonstrated that speaking openly about the lack of rights can be a hostile or threatening act against a ruling authority seeking self-preservation. 73 Indeed, ever since they started to articulate their human rights demands publicly, many Nubian activists have allegedly been subjected to persistent intimidation and persecution, including obstacles in carrying out legal procedures and even physical assaults.…”

Section: The Problematic Globalmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity

Janmyr

2016

Third World Quarterly

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How are global human rights localised in authoritarian societies? How and what human rights discourses are mobilised by indigenous peoples to further their demands? Building upon original fieldwork among Nubian activists in Egypt, this article explores the complexities regarding human rights framing through a discussion of recognition of Nubian indigeneity. The article finds that the history and political experience of Egypt's Nubians bring about diverging opinions and also limitations as to how, and what, human rights frameworks rights claimants and their supporters are to employ. It argues that Egyptian nationalism not only affects how Nubian activists mobilise in general, but also helps explain the very limited appeals to a global discourse of human rights.

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Section: Egyptian Arab Nationalism and Indigeneitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Problematic Globalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity

Janmyr

2016

Third World Quarterly

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“…O peor aún: la exigencia de una esfera pública despojada de argumentos religiosos conduciría a los creyentes a retrotraerse a su vida personal y a no participar en los asuntos públicos, o a desarrollar una vida política independiente. Tendríamos, con ello, sociedades paralelas (Kymlicka, 2002), cada una de ellas con sus propios có-digos, normas y valores. Pero además, algunas críticas apuntan a que uno no puede elegir el estado cognitivo desde el cual juzgar el mundo (Reder, en Habermas, 2009, p. 135), es decir: aunque se quiera, el ciudadano creyente no puede «vestirse» de secular para entrar en la vida pública, pues los argumentos religiosos y seculares están imbricados en su razón, con lo que la exigencia rawlsiana no tendría mucho sentido.…”

Section: Prospectivas De La Religión En La Esfera Público-socialunclassified

Aunque Dios no existiera. La crisis de la secularización

Gómez¹

2016

Thémata

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Resumen: En este artículo planteo algunas claves acerca de cuál debe ser el lugar de la religión en la esfera público-social. Para ello, analizo brevemente el concepto de secularización del que son beneficiarias las sociedades occidentales. En segundo lugar, examino el lugar de la religión en la esfera pública a partir de la propuesta de Jürgen Habermas, dividiéndola en dos niveles: un nivel normativo, de interacción con lo religioso, que se apoya a su vez en un nivel descriptivo, de análisis de la religión en conexión dialéctica con la razón secular. Por último, extraigo algunas conclusiones relativas al éthos cívico que se espera de los agentes sociales.Palabras clave: religión; secularización; postsecularismo; iglesia; Habermas. Abstract:In this paper I analyze some keys on what should be the place of religion in public-social sphere. First, I briefly discuss the concept of secularization that are beneficiaries of Western societies. Second, I examine the place of religion in the public sphere from the proposal of Jürgen Habermas, dividing it into two levels: a policy level of interaction with religion, which is based in turn on a descriptive level, of analysis of religion in dialectical connection with secular reason. Finally, I draw some conclusions concerning the civic ethos which is expected of the stakeholders.

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“…In such countries critical investigation on language policy and planning or sociolinguistics stridently, advocates education in mother language (Hornberger, 2006;Mohanty, 2008;Cummins, 2009) and considers plurilingual repertoires as a resource to be properly utilized (Ruiz, 1984;Canagarajah & Ashraf, 2013;Taylor, 2020). Another development, pertinent to the question of the importance of indigenous/minor languages, has been brought to the fore by (linguistic) human rights experts (May, 2011;Kymlicka & Pfostl, 2014;Babaci-Wilhite, 2015;de Varennes & Kuzborska, 2016;Skutnabb-Kangas & Phillipson, 2017). Eco-linguists present yet another set of arguments for the maintenance and revitalization of indigenous/minor languages in the world.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Linguistic Human Rights of Minorities and Language Policy: A Case Study of Balochi Language in Education in Lyari, Karachi, Pakistan

2021

JLLL

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Most of the neo-colonial nation-states in South America, Africa and Asia have historically remained multilingual. Particularly, subcontinent, being the part of Indus Civilization, successfully maintained the legacy of religious and cultural diversity. Pre-colonial lingo-cultural diversity in subcontinent was discouraged and displaced by new linguistic hierarchy during colonial times. In the milieu of WW-II and national liberation movements throughout the world, classical colonial structure was largely weakened at global level and paved the way for internal colonialism. Political leadership of newly formed multiethnic states principally preferred to govern their people as colonial subjects rather than free citizens. European model of 'one language, one culture and one state' has hitherto resulted in many ethno-linguistic movements in different neo-colonial states. Neo-colonial forms of knowledge, categories and instruments of oppression; particularly language policy; is still prevailing in such (in)dependent states where Pakistan is not an exception. Since 1947, language policy in Pakistan has been mainly shaped by and still continues to be overshadowed by its colonial past. This article critically investigates promise(s) and practice(s) of national language policy and the status of linguistic human rights of minorities in education in Lyari, Karachi, Pakistan. The data was collected from various (inter)national public policy documents/declarations along with semi-structured interviews from four different groups of participants i.e. academics, cultural activists, teachers and parents. Findings reveal two diametrically opposed orientations in terms of the use of mother tongue in classroom. School teachers stridently advocated assimilationist language ideology and viewed multilingualism in classroom as a problem to be solved, whereas, cultural activists and academics consider the same as a cultural resource to be properly utilized and the right of the child to be respected. Parents' views are also considered in order to explore the tension between the language of schooling and the language of early socialization of children at home. Moreover, Language Rights model is applied in order to explore (re)production of linguistic injustice through language policy in education.

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Introduction

Cited by 13 publications

References 0 publications

Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity

Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity

Aunque Dios no existiera. La crisis de la secularización

Linguistic Human Rights of Minorities and Language Policy: A Case Study of Balochi Language in Education in Lyari, Karachi, Pakistan

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