Introduction

Bonner, Michelle D.; Kempa, Michael; Kubal, Mary Rose; Seri, Guillermina

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-72883-4_1

Cited by 9 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…For ultimately, while there is undoubtedly widespread impunity for illegal police action ( Nyawasha and Mokhahlane, 2017 ), there is also a great deal of police action that is not illegal that could still be seen as undermining the claims to equality and dignity on which substantive democracy supposedly rests ( Bonner et al, 2018 : 4). In South Africa, as in every country across the globe, the police do not deploy violence evenly.…”

Section: Civic Policing As Weaponized Volunteeringmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘I can do things that others can’t’: Civic policing as weaponized volunteering in eThekwini, South Africa

Diphoorn

Cooper-Knock

2022

Current Sociology

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In this article, we analyse civic policing in post-apartheid South Africa as a form of ‘weaponized volunteering’. We use ‘weaponized volunteerism’ as a conceptual lens to refer to practices that rest on the potentiality and/or willingness to use physical violence or to harness the physical violence of others under the guise of ‘volunteer work’. By drawing from ethnographic fieldwork conducted by both authors in eThekwini, South Africa, we show that by framing civic policing as weaponized volunteerism, we are able to analyse the violence at the core of policing and underline the varied ways that violence work is harnessed and expanded through civic policing, in the interest of civic and state actors. This, in turn, allows us to explore the continuum between state and civic violence, which is often directed towards similar groups and individuals.

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Section: Civic Policing As Weaponized Volunteeringmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘I can do things that others can’t’: Civic policing as weaponized volunteering in eThekwini, South Africa

Diphoorn

Cooper-Knock

2022

Current Sociology

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“…The virtue of the examining police practices, as opposed to the metrics of comparative political-economists, criminologists or epidemiologists, is that the police dramatize social order in a more profound way. Understanding the comparative differences in the social and political responses to the pandemic panic in Latin America and elsewhere is seriously aided by an understanding of the practices and politics of policing in the relevant countries (Bonner et al., 2018). Systematic research along these lines will build up a picture of how the new landscape of the global system is going to be policed.…”

Section: Thinking About Police and Policing During A Time Of Plaguementioning

confidence: 99%

The politics of policing a pandemic panic

Sheptycki

2020

Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology

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This essay was completed in early April 2020 and begun during the first week of the official pandemic panic in Canada. The world-wide plague caused by the COVID-19 virus precipitated the first global police event presenting an occasion for researchers and scholars to apply existing theory and empirical understanding to extra-ordinary circumstances. Consideration of the politics of the police during the plague reveals a tectonic shift in the world system. The transnational and comparative study of police and policing reveals the contours of the emerging system of world power all the more clearly in a moment of crisis. The pandemic panic presents an historical moment during which, figuratively speaking, policing power crystalizes and can be seen clearly. On the global stage, in response to the pandemic panic authoritarian and totalitarian policing practices are demonstrated alongside those in putative democracies. Emerging and observable practices of rule by law are antithetical to democratic policing in the general social interest, and rule of law rhetoric justifying militarized law enforcement action in many places continues to bring police into further disrepute. The coming era will continue to be a time where, in most places “the strong do what they will, and the weak suffer what they must”—as the ancient historian Thucydides observed in the aftermath of the fratricidal Peloponnesian War more than two millennia ago. The pandemic panic shows in the starkest statistical numbers that, where social justice is achieved, the outcome of the politics of the police is not the command of the sovereign.

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“…30 Likewise, the related literature 'continues to rely on generic premises and assumptions [about crime, violence, security governance and democracy] that seem at best ungrounded, and problematicif not flawedat worst'. 31 The dominance of what can be termed the 'democracy paradigm' has recently been challenged by studies that point towards the analytical limitations of the democratisation-theory-inspired research and call for moving beyond the analytically and normatively limiting 'exclusive focus on elections, institutions and rights'. This call opens up an analytical perspective that does not perceive of violence in contemporary Latin as an expression of the 'failure of democratic governance and institutions'.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, as the contributions to this special issue demonstrate, there is more to the story than informality or the problem of weak (formal) state institutions in need of fixing. 44 Politics of criminalisation, transnational knowledge production, immigration policies, or the professional struggles amongst bureaucrats, to name just some of the topics addressed by the contributions to this special issue, are equally, if often not more, important for understanding the governing of crime and violence in the region than the informal (as well as the deficient formal) institutional set-up of the region's democratic orders. In order to uncover these complexities, the special issue focuses on the actual processes of how violence and crime in Latin America are governed, by whom and to what effect.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Governing crime and violence in Latin America

Müller

2018

Global Crime

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The last two decades turned Latin America into one of the most violent regions in the world. While previously, violence in the region has predominantly been associated with state repression and military dictatorships, the "new violence" that emerged since the mid-1990s is predominantly criminal. Related research has been mostly problem-driven, implying that the focus has been on how to improve security governance in the region. The multiple ways in which governance itself is both shaped by as well as contributing to the pervasiveness of this "new violence," has remained uncharted. This article offers an analytical framework, inspired by the literature on governance, for assessing this issue. To this end, it highlights different modes and instances of governance with, by, and through crime (and violence) in the region. In doing so, the article offers a contextualization for this special issue as well as an overarching analytical framework for the individual contributions.

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Introduction

Cited by 9 publications

References 38 publications

‘I can do things that others can’t’: Civic policing as weaponized volunteering in eThekwini, South Africa

‘I can do things that others can’t’: Civic policing as weaponized volunteering in eThekwini, South Africa

The politics of policing a pandemic panic

Governing crime and violence in Latin America

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