4Wildlife management, pest control and conservation projects often involve killing 5 nonhuman animals. In the United Kingdom, introduced grey squirrels Sciurus 6 carolinensis are killed in large numbers to protect remnant populations of European 7 red squirrels Sciurus vulgaris. Grey squirrels are also killed outside of red squirrel 8 areas to protect broadleaved trees from squirrel damage, and as part of routine pest 9 control, opportunistically, and sometimes recreationally. In order to investigate the 10 ways in which this killing is conceived and practised in the UK, we conducted semi-11 structured interviews with practitioners and undertook participant observation of 12 squirrel management activities, including lethal control. Analysing these field data, 13we identified important variations in practitioners' approaches to killing squirrels, and 14 here we outline three 'modes of killing' -reparative/sacrificial, stewardship, and 15 categorical -which comprise different primary motivations, moral principles, ultimate 16 aims, and practical methods. We explore both productive alliances and possible 17 tensions between these modes, and propose that clear, explicit consideration of how 18 and why animals are both killed and 'made killable' should be a key component of 19 any wildlife management initiative that involves lethal control. There's more than one way to kill a squirrel. In the United Kingdom (UK), people 24 bring about the deaths of thousands of grey squirrels Sciurus carolinensis every 25 year: in houses, gardens, barns and woodlands; on public and private land; and with 26 guns, traps, weighted priests, and water. Killing is an occasional pot-shot from the 27 window, or a full-time occupation; it is distressingly difficult and/or a matter of routine. 28
29The killing of nonhuman animals (hereafter 'animals') is ubiquitous in human 30 societies (The Animal Studies Group, 2006), and "fundamental to the creation of the 31 social order between sets of creatures" (Marvin, 2006, p20). Nevertheless, despite 32 an abundance of theoretical and philosophical discussions of the ethics of killing, 33 comparatively little empirical social scientific research has examined how nonhuman 34 killing is practised and performed. Exceptions include work in the 'domestic killing' 35 spaces of slaughterhouses, research laboratories and animal shelters, where people 36 who routinely kill animals face a range of psychological and emotional challenges 37 (Dillard, 2008;King, 2016), and anthropological research investigating hunting 38 practices amongst 'Western' and indigenous peoples, which indicates that 'wild 39 killing' can be experienced as positive and/or rewarding (Cartmill, 1993; Ingold, 40 2000;Knight, 2012;Marvin, 2010;Watson and Huntington, 2008). More recently, 41 there has been increasing academic interest in how killing and death "circulate 42 alongside care and life" (Ginn et al., 2014, p113), addressing the 'violent-care' of 43 killing in conservation (Clark, 2015;van Dooren, 2015), rescue shelter...