Investigating How Decisions to Use Marijuana Change Over Time

Abstract

This article examines illicit drug use from a decision-making perspective using data collected during 2000-2002 from 51 current and ex-users of marijuana in a large urban city in the central/southwest United States. A qualitative inductive approach based on grounded theory guided the analyses. We find that prior to experimentation and use, decision-making processes are general and nonspecific. In the later stages of drug involvement, decision-making processes become drug-specific. Individuals consider a number of different types of factors when making decisions about illicit drug use involvement. The study's implications and limitations are discussed and future research suggested.

Reflections Regarding Future Cannabis Use Among High‐Frequency Users in a Canadian University Student Population

“…Similar to findings elsewhere, even those participants in our study who did not foresee ceasing cannabis use in the mid‐term expressed intentions to compartmentalize or selectively manage their use in ways that would be least disruptive to their daily responsibilities (Osborne & Fogel, ; Shukla & Kelley, ). Uniquely in this study, men were twice as likely as women to mention that relationships or marriage could cause them to decrease or terminate their cannabis use.…”

“…This study assessed the expectancies concerning potential future cannabis use of a sample of high‐frequency cannabis‐using university students. This research is of specific interest due to the lack of subjective understanding of the maturation and decision‐making processes shaping future cannabis use (Labouvie, ; Shukla & Kelley, ; Winnick, ). Moreover, this research is contextually relevant in regard to recent developments in cannabis use control (e.g., decriminalization) in select U.S. states (e.g., Washington, Colorado) and in some European countries (e.g., Portugal, The Netherlands) (Greenwald, ; Reinarman, Cohen, & Kaal, ; Savage, ).…”

“…Moreover, quantitative studies have uncovered a variety of factors associated with future reduction or cessation of cannabis use, including negative health consequences, legal problems, separation from drug‐using peers, reduction or absence of other drug use, economic circumstances, and transition to new adult‐life roles (e.g., marriage, parenthood, employment) (Best et al., ; Chen & Kandel, ; Hammer & Vaglum, ; Perkonigg et al., ; Sussman & Dent, ). Conversely, qualitative studies, often cross‐sectional in nature, commonly consider the social and cultural role and practices of cannabis use in users' lives, and the subjective elements that shape future use or cessation (Ellingstad, Sobell, Sobell, Eickleberry, & Golden, ; Hathaway, ; Melrose, Turner, Pitts, & Barrett, ; Shukla & Kelley, ). Although qualitative studies have identified and expanded on many of the same factors involved in use reduction or cessation found by quantitative research, this line of inquiry has identified some distinct factors, such as changes in how individuals' view reflect on their cannabis use, fear of dependence, and self‐image (Ellingstad et al., ; Hathaway, ; Weiner, Sussman, McCuller, & Lichtman, ).…”

“…One area regarding the natural evolution of substance use that is particularly underresearched is the decision‐making processes concerning future cannabis use by young high‐frequency users. Considering the usefulness of qualitative research around youth decision‐making and risk‐taking behaviors (e.g., sexual risks, drinking and driving), there is much to be learned from a careful examination of these processes (King‐Jones, ; Nygaard, Waiters, Grube, & Keef, ; Shukla & Kelley, ). Consequently, more attention needs to be paid to the values and norms that cannabis users develop during the distinctive period of emerging adulthood (18–25 years), and what factors influence their decisions (Arnett, ).…”

Intervenção no fenómeno das drogas: Algumas reflexões e contributos para a definição de boas práticas

“…Questionados são também os propósitos de erradicação das drogas e promoção da abstinência subjacentes às políticas repressivas, por serem considerados pouco realistas (Einstein, 2007;Farr, 1990;Fernandes, 2009;Pallarés, 1996;Romaní, 2008;Rovira & Hidalgo, 2003;Shukla & Kelley, 2007;Szasz, 1992). Nesta lógica, alguns autores advogam que não é necessário punir, criminalizar, estigmatizar e tentar acabar com os consumos (Farr, 1990;Maia Costa, 2001;Romaní, 2008;Shukla & Kelley, 2007;Szasz, 1992) e apresentam como alternativa manter apenas, ao nível legislativo, estratégias dissuasoras não punitivas, como a difusão de informação sobre os seus danos, à semelhança do que já ocorre com o tabaco (Maia Costa, 2001).…”