Invisible Labor and Women’s Double Binds: Collusive Femininity and Masculine Drinking in Russia

Smith

Public Administration Review

et al. 2022

Public administration scholarship on race and gender is motivated by normative concerns about social equity, and dominated by work on bureaucracy and its representativeness. Despite decades of research on race and gender in public administration, there has been limited engagement with racializing and gendering processes. Relatedly, scant attention is paid to other disciplines that center on race and gender in theorizing. The purpose of this review is to explore public administration scholarship on race and gender in the context of allied social science disciplines, reveal limits of current approaches in public administration, and articulate strategies for enhancing understanding of race and gender in public administration scholarship. We use bibliometric and content analysis methods to map the intellectual structure of social science scholarship on race and gender, highlight public administration's place in this structure, and compare public administration scholarship on race and gender with other social science disciplines.

Section: Analytic Methods and Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theoretical Orientation Of Social Science Scholarship On Rac...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Reimagining race and gender in public administration and public policy: Insights from an interdisciplinary systematic review

Smith

Public Administration Review

et al. 2022

“…Morris (2016) and Walker (2018Walker ( , 2022 portray how working class Russian men embrace notions of traditional masculinity associated with the breadwinner role, observing how blocked access to breadwinner status through manual employment due to market reforms is a source of seething frustration. Utrata (2015Utrata ( , 2019 shows how Russian men and women coproduce hegemonic masculinity through bargaining and compromise within intimate relationships, reinforcing typical patterns of male parental irresponsibility and destructive alcoholism.…”

Section: Gender Inequality In Families and Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inequality and social stratification in Russia during the Putin regime: From market transition to war on Ukraine

Gerber,

Gimpelson

2024

Sociology Compass

The collapse of the USSR in late 1991 inspired social science research on levels, patterns, and trends in inequality within Russia, due to theoretical interest in how market transition affects social stratification. The start of the Putin regime in 2000 marked a new era in Russia's post‐Soviet political economic trajectory: in contrast to the 1990s, the economy first took off, then stagnated, while the state rolled back institutions of democracy and civic freedoms. In short, Russia became a consolidated market economy under authoritarian rule. In this context research has continued to produce insights into social stratification. The labor market featured high levels of employment but with downward wage flexibility, modest decreases in earnings inequality, and persistent returns to education, gender wage gaps, and locality‐based differences. Waves of labor migration to Russia, resurgent traditional gender norms, shrinking population, housing inequality, health disparities, and a small contingent of ultra‐rich represent additional noteworthy developments. Although market transition is no longer an intriguing theoretical lens through which to view social stratification in Russia, the topic nonetheless holds broader theoretical interest because inequality became closely intertwined with Russia's political economy, social policies, and geopolitical actions, including those that culminated in Putin's decision to invade Ukraine.

Royal Anthropological Inst

“…The public problematization of men's condition – as one of alcoholism, absentee fatherhood, and impulsive or self‐destructive behaviour – was already underway in the late Soviet era (Borenstein 2008). Following the Soviet collapse, these negative trends saw exponential growth, while deindustrialization exacerbated the socioeconomic devaluation of men and repudiation of their role as breadwinners (Utrata 2019). The post‐Soviet discourse of ‘male feminization’ is thus related not only to the massive shift from the factory lines to office spaces and declining rates of military service, but also to the increasing number of single‐parent, mostly female‐headed households, marked by visible absence of male influence on child‐rearing.…”

Section: The Making Of a New Orthodox Manmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Real Orthodox men’: religious masculinities and the new Russian culture of military patriotism

Fomina

2023

Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, radical nationalist and quasi‐fascist movements defining themselves in opposition to the Russian government dominated the country's paramilitary scene. This trend was almost completely reversed in the 2010s, with the relative decline of grassroots Slavic ethno‐nationalism and the emergence of a statist military‐patriotic culture centred on ‘traditional values’ and Orthodox faith. Drawing on field research with members of a Moscow‐based military‐patriotic club, this article shows how Orthodoxy emerged as an attractive ideological framework to give meaning to individual and communal practices of moral and physical self‐cultivation among patriotically oriented young middle‐class men. I argue that rather than a process of militarization of a religious public, the establishment of the Orthodox military‐patriotic milieu in the late 2000s is better understood as the Orthodoxization of the Russian paramilitary sphere, driven by young militaristically minded men's search for a sense of purpose and belonging. This post‐Soviet Orthodox paramilitary scene that combines militant masculinities with promotion of law abidance and civic values effectively works to curtail more extreme forms of ethno‐nationalism and thus invites us to rethink conventional wisdom on the relationship between religion, militarism, and violent radicalization.