Is It Always Us or Them: How Do Young Serbs and Bosniaks Perceive Intergroup Borders?

Jovanović, Olja; Pavlović, Maša

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-62021-3_5

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…They speak a dialect of the standard, common language that is used in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro. Although the main theatres of armed conflict were in Bosnia (between Bosniaks and Serbs) and Kosovo (between Albanians and Serbs), Preševo Valley in Serbia proper did experience a short but violent armed conflict between Albanians and Serbs in the immediate aftermath of the Kosovo war (Jovanović & Pavlović, 2017).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sociopsychological correlates of militant extremist beliefs in a postconflict society: The importance of ethnocentrism and quality of interethnic contacts

Stankov

Međedović

Lazarević

et al. 2020

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

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This study investigates the attitudinal and motivational bases of militant extremist beliefs in a postconflict society ( N = 600; 51% female). Militant extremist mindset (MEM) measures of proviolence, divine power, utopianism, vile world, and West, together with the Ethos of Conflict- Grudge Scale (EOC-grudge), were used to assess militant-extremist beliefs. Data about the socioeconomic status (SES) of participants, ethnocentrism, intergroup contact, trust in the system, and the level of conflict in the sampled areas were also collected. The main hypotheses were that extremist beliefs are associated with a high level of ethnocentrism, low socioeconomic status, decreased intergroup contact, low trust in the system, and recent intergroup conflict. A structural model in which all relations between the measures were simultaneously tested showed that recent intergroup conflict was related to the most malignant aspect of MEM—proviolence—predominantly through negative experiences with members of other ethnicities. Ethnocentrism was strongly related to higher levels of grudge and excuse. Self-assessed socioeconomic status was related to grudge only but taking into account all other variables, positively. Finally, trust in the political and social system was not found to have a relationship with militant-extremist beliefs.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sociopsychological correlates of militant extremist beliefs in a postconflict society: The importance of ethnocentrism and quality of interethnic contacts

Stankov

Međedović

Lazarević

et al. 2020

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Instead, this study remains agnostic on whether the continued relevance of past conflicts is caused by the social divisions created or made salient by war or the belief systems it engenders. This study's central expectation is thus that the legacies of war are enduring and continue to instruct the party preferences of the generations that were born after the war (Jovanović & Pavlović 2017). From this central expectation, two testable assertions arise.…”

Section: The Legacy Of War In Contemporary Party Preferencesmentioning

confidence: 93%

War as an Enduring Determinant of Party Choice in Postwar Southeast Europe

Lesschaeve¹

2022

Europe-Asia Studies

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In postwar elections, voter choices are often shaped by the memory of past violence. Taking Bosnia & Hercegovina and Croatia as case studies, this study examines war as an enduring determinant of party choice among the age cohorts who lived through the wars of the 1990s, and the cohorts who were born after. Based on a representative survey of over 5,000 citizens, the results show that in Bosnia & Hercegovina, war-related issues and social divisions continue to inform party preferences in the postwar generation as much as they did in the generations that came before. In Croatia, by contrast, war-related issues are showing signs of diminishing political relevance.THE IMPACT OF WAR IS OFTEN FELT LONG AFTER THE guns have gone silent (Ghobarah et al. 2003). Its effects are not only medical or economic but also relate to the nature of political competition in postwar societies. This is evident from the growing body of research that has found war to shape party preferences. For instance, refugees who had fled to Serbia from other former Yugoslav republics to escape the violence showed greater support for the nationalist Serbian Radical Party (Srpska Radikalna Stranka) in the decade after the wars (Konitzer & Grujić 2009). In Croatia, Israel and the United States, former combatants have been found to prefer hawkish and nationalist parties (

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“…One can expect a higher level of political radicalization in the general population (especially among younger people) of that region for two main reasons: the violent and intensive interethnic armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, and the protracted incendiary rhetoric of the political elites in both the separated Republic of Kosovo, who are fighting for full international recognition, and in Serbia, who vehemently oppose it. Although the main areas of intense armed conflicts in the 1990s were in Croatia (between Serbs and Croats), Bosnia (between Bosniaks and Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks, and Serbs and Croats), and Kosovo (between Albanians and Serbs), Preševo Valley in the south of Serbia did experience a short but violent armed conflict between Serbs and the Albanian minority in the immediate aftermath of the Kosovo war during the 1990s and 2000s (Jovanović & Pavlović, 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The relationship between closed‐mindedness and militant extremism in a post‐conflict society

Knežević

Lazarević

Međedović

et al. 2022

Aggressive Behavior

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This study aimed to examine the role of socio-political attitudes and motivational tendencies supposed to mark closed-mindedness, as well as other relevant variables of individual differences (Disintegration, i.e., proneness to psychotic-like experiences/behaviors and Death Anxiety), in the Militant Extremist Mindset (MEM). A community sample of 600 young respondents (Serbs, Bosniaks, and Albanians, aged 18-30) was recruited within a multiethnic region of Serbia that experienced armed conflict during the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. The best-fitted SEM model, incorporating measurement and structural relationships between the variables, showed that the latent factor of Closed-mindedness predicted all three aspects of MEM as well as Neighborhood Grudge, that is, resentment toward neighboring ethnicities. The effects of Disintegration and Death Anxiety on MEM were entirely mediated by Closed-mindedness. Compared to previous findings, Closedmindedness appears to represent the most important set of cognitive and motivational tendencies that channel protracted intergroup tensions into militant extremism.

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Is It Always Us or Them: How Do Young Serbs and Bosniaks Perceive Intergroup Borders?

Cited by 4 publications

References 33 publications

Sociopsychological correlates of militant extremist beliefs in a postconflict society: The importance of ethnocentrism and quality of interethnic contacts

Sociopsychological correlates of militant extremist beliefs in a postconflict society: The importance of ethnocentrism and quality of interethnic contacts

War as an Enduring Determinant of Party Choice in Postwar Southeast Europe

The relationship between closed‐mindedness and militant extremism in a post‐conflict society

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