note: pre-publication version; subject to minor revisions. 6.3 Our initial research into the revenge killing of Osama bin Laden 127 6.4 On the bittersweet consequences of revenge 130 7. Part V: On the nature of affordances 135 7.1 Threats represent problems that need fixing 135 7.2 Perceived affordances in politics 136 7.3 Hawkishness as a perceived affordance in the fight against terrorism 136 7.4 Implications for anger 137 8. Part VI: Threat, anger, and political attitudes 137 8.1 Experimental studies of the impact of the 9/11 attacks on political attitudes 138 8.2 Are the political effects of anger consistent for all types of threat? 152 8.3 Further evidence for context specificity: Anger-driven shifts to the political left 153 9. Part VII: On the relation of our affordance model to extant models of threat 156 9.1 What kinds of threat are being considered? 157 9.2 Are threat-driven ideological shifts relatively broad or narrow? 157 9.3 What is the role of affect/emotion? 158 9.4 On the gap between theory and method 159 10.
AbstractIn the eyes of the public-and in a substantial amount of scholarly research-anger is often framed in a negative light, given its role in driving people to act in antisocial ways. However, anger also has the potential for social good, insofar as it focuses attention on, and motivates people to fix, perceived injustices. As we discuss, the foundational link between anger and a desire to rectify injustice has profoundly important implications that are relevant to research and theory in a variety of different disciplines (e.g., experimental social psychology, neuroscience, political science, personality). We begin this chapter by considering the methodological and theoretical challenges involved in the measurement of this feeling state, along with its relevance to our line of research on revenge, as well as the ideological consequences of threat. In the course of this discussion, we introduce a neo-Gibsonian framework of threat which allows for the fact that different types of threats, via anger, can exert different types of ideological consequences. A key prediction of this model-one that distinguishes it from current models of threat-is that activation of anger following threat has the potential to shift political attitudes to the "right" or to the "left," depending on the nature of the threat at hand. These and other findings provide a more comprehensive understanding of this emotion, its relation to (perceived and actual) injustice, and its role in shaping relevant political beliefs.
104Alan J. Lambert et al.